Source: Meta
Yanis Varoufakisā third response:
6. Five conditions for a democratic workplace
Yanis Varoufakis, 24 January 2022
Michael: To my question āWho decides if Harriet is allowed to choose her projects?ā, you responded: āthe workersā council, of courseā. To the question āWho decides what product or activity is socially useful?ā, you replied: āthe whole population together decidesā. My gut reaction to your answers is a gut fear stemming from a natural dread I have of, as liberals and anarchists put it, the tyranny of the majority. Then again, democracy is only possible if the demos decides. The question is: Can democracy-at-work be made compatible with a degree of personal autonomy from what the majority thinks?
At this point in our discussion we need to set out concrete rules for the governance of enterprises.Ā Here are five that I would like to propose:
Ā Ā i.Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Democratic planning
CompetingĀ enterpriseĀ plans are put forwardĀ by members, each accompanied by aĀ fullĀ rationale.Ā They include how many resources to commit to R&D, which product or technology to invest in, the level of remuneration etc. Members are given a long periodĀ to read up on each proposal, to debate them and to form preferences. They are then invited to rank the proposals in order of preference on an electronic ballot form. If no plan wins an absolute majority of first preferences, a process ofĀ successiveĀ elimination takes placeĀ (based on Australiaās ranked preference electoral system) to determine the winning Plan.
ii.Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Autonomy
Teams are formed (as per the Plan) by a democratic process that matches slots with applicants. No one is compelled to take a slot they do not want. Each retains the right to work, alone or in spontaneously formed teams, on any project she or he deems compatible with the Plan ā without anyoneās permission.
iii.Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Remuneration
A basic salary is paid to all, whose level is decided democratically as part of (i) above. Additionally, the collective can set aside a sum for two types of bonuses: (A) Job-specific; i.e., the collective decides that an X% bonus is right, reflecting the jobās unpleasantness or high skills necessary. (B) Person-Specific; i.e., a reward for extraordinary services to the enterpriseās overall performance, atmosphere etc. For example, each member is given 100 brownie points to distribute amongst her colleagues across the enterprise. Then, the total Personal-Bonus kitty is divided in proportion to how many points a member has received from everyone else.
iv.Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā The right to quit ā and the right to a basic income
To be genuinely free and an authentic participant, a worker must have the right to walk away from a company if she feels the majority is stifling her. To render this right real, as opposed to theoretical, the worker must have an āoutside optionā. This is why an unconditional basic income (guaranteeing a life with dignity) for all is not an optional extra for the good society ā but a fundamental obligation to its citizens
v.Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā Ā The right to fire ā and the right to a basic income
At the same time, for the majority to be free from toxic individuals, the collective must have the right to fire (by democratic vote) a member abusing her autonomy ā a right that the collective can only exercise if it knows that everyone has the right to a basic income guaranteeing a life with dignity.
This is an ongoing debate between Michael Albert and Yanis Varoufakis: more entries will be added here soon.
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2 Comments
Correctionā¦
ā There was much overlap other than they both contained institutions.ā Should read wasnāt much overlapā¦between Parecon and capitalism.
This debate is getting long winded temporally speaking. And frustrating. And frankly, Iām not sure if itās helpful. I said, you said and on. Then us punters in the cheap seats choose by flipping a coin or the gravity of tribal alliance? Something like that.
I mean, it always feels like Parecon is on the defensive. Been around for thirty years trying to shove its way into the minds of concerned young people today with little help from fellow activists within the left landscape. Why the frig is that?
First people like Richard Wolff, even early in, think it kind of over exuberant. Anarchists find it too āeconomisticā and lacking some sort of soul (thatās what it feels like). Market socialists beat on it and some think it unimaginatively, nonsense on stilts. Pluralist commonwealthers and solidarity economy folk (whatever that means coz Parecon is one) think it a blueprint (no such thingā¦itās a mythological notion and therefore merely a rhetorical device) that overextends. Newcomers to the visionary world like peer to peer folk who seem to have morphed into Commoning folk beat it down. Social ecologists ignore it. And other anarchists like Wayne Price and some Marxists (Iāve come across this a few times) believe something like Parecon is probably what we need. Really? Well, heās an idea for Wayne and those Marxists. There is something like Parecon now. Itās called Parecon. So how about working from there, seriously working that is, to try and tweak it so you can come up with something thatās like it but not actually it. For frigginā sake.
Just another debate in a long line of debates that have not in any way really put Parecon into the minds of the many. Even within the Left landscape. Maybe a few extra, but not much more.
And now we have to wait for an explication of Yanisās model outlined in a few short paragraphs here. Because no matter how Michael replies, Yanis will have to elucidate to explain his models structure for us following the thing to understand better (presuming most havenāt read his book).
I wish the two models could be just put side by side. Each corresponding institutional part laid out next to the other. That way we could all see where they both vary. I have no interest in Yanisās gut feels or philosophical arguments over equity and tyrannies of majorities and Iām sure the Bill Bakers of Stillwater and his daughter Allison who find life brutal donāt either.
Michael did just that many moons ago with capitalism. Outlined in table form the corresponding institutions of capitalism and Parecon. It allowed for a certain visual clarity. It allowed for elucidation of aspects of certain ideas and why they are there. There was much overlap other than they both contained institutions. This could easily be done with Yanisās model and ideas. Then we could possibly see where they both sit on the path to making the world less brutal. Iām sure there may be some overlap. Debates always feel competitive like someoneās trying to win through being more convincing. Stop it and just look at both systems in a constructive comparative way. Both these left movers and shakers are on the same side. But Yanisās gut feels and gagging make it seem otherwise at times.
It has nothing to do with Yanis and others having gut feels or suffocating. It has to do with why Yanis believes x and why Michael believes y and it may be that one, say y, is further on down the road, in some respects. I mean Parecon was developed in response to Alec Noveās claim that anything other than markets or central planning is not possible. Well, Albert and Hahnel have shown this not to be the case. Yanis SHOULD be looking at Parecon as a wonder. A wonder of the imagination that is no less a marvel than anything Marx came up with. Who else has taken up that challenge? Huh? Who? Talk about being creative. And Meta, whoās hosting this debate is all about art too. Well, Parecon is art and frigginā good art at that.
Yanis has said that heās followed Michaelās work for a long time. Itās strange then that his decision to try and describe a new alternative postcapitalist economy came out of the feeling that there just wasnāt one anywhere to be found in the Left landscape. I just read that in an interview recently. I find that almost insulting. Jeepers, there is and has been heaps of ideas. And itās as if Parecon just didnāt exist, or worse, shouldnāt exist. And now, in 2022, we have a new contender within the market socialist ranks and Parecon is fighting the same battles itās fought over three decades.
A good example of how Parecon gets treated is to see how a couple of essays by Albert and Hahnel, sequestered by or offered to the Next System Project, are just wallowing in some dark out of the way recess of that projectās site basically ignored by the majority of those who consider themselves a part of that whole project. Like some amazing piece of music someone has composed or improvised that never sees the light of day because the record companyās powers that be deem it unsellable. Not worth the trouble.
A debate over two visions that are structurally different means it should be zeroing down on where those differences are and not on arguments by protagonists rebuffing each other. Right off the bat, in a nutshell, itās about markets. Itās not about whether one vision is better or THE vision, itās about ideas.
Parecon is a coherent whole. It may be just a scaffold, as Michael likes to think of it to keep it out of blueprint territory (something I donāt care about because thereās no such thing), but it operates necessarily according to its non-market planning structure and a completely different remuneration system. And all itās structure is interdependent. So of course itās gonna be different, completely, to any kind of market model.
So if these models were just set side by side maybe something helpful may come of it. Maybe āsomething like Pareconā is down the road a bit while Yanisās model is closer to now but a little along from a GlOBAL GREEN NEW DEAL that is actually NEEDED NOW! I mean, we aināt getting rid of markets over night if we want a just transition and avoid bloodshed.
And this leads to even other kinds of more useful approaches than debates (that tend to create sides) or just dumping visions on marginal unknown websites that no one visits.
How about comparative critiques of other market socialist models because there are many out there. Shit, whoās reading them all? Bill Baker and his daughter? I doubt it. Some are in journals. Whatās the point of all of them? Seriously. How does Bill Baker know how to decide? Itās impossible. Economics is a boring and tedious subject that few enjoy but is something absolutely essential and necessary. How much does Yanisās model differ from Schwieckartās or Erik Olin Wrightās or Pat Devineās or others out there? Really? How much? How different are the plethora of visions dumped on the Next System Projectās site and then dumped in a big thick book that nobodyās gonna read? Huh? Do Bill Baker and his daughter have to read them all and decide? On their own? How? Itās no wonder that John Jordanās incoherent notion of improvising our way to the future whilst doing away with past ātraditionalā left notions and any āwe know what to do and where we should go ideasā seems so appealing. Itās just easier for ordinary folk.
(Sometimes itās like the free will debate. Now thereās a mine and mind filed for ya. A philosophical labyrinth of complexity that is truly bamboozling at times. Yet, I write to Noam about it to see what he thinks. Get two short responses pertaining to the strangeness of skeptics arguing their points believing they are doing so of their own free choosing and that science has told us nothing, followed by the sentenceā¦āWhereās the debate?ā)
Thatās why this debate is so unappealing. Itās drawn out and just going down the same frustrating path all the others went down. Leading to the protagonists merely going home and forgetting that the other exists. Or thatās how it seems.
This debate, and even Meta, the site connected with DiEM25 and notions of techno-feudalism (who cares..itās frigginā capitalism any way you look at it whether it be late stage, mid stage or just staged) has to change its approach. Meta seems to be just a dumping ground and nothing much else. Why canāt it be a āwar roomā of sorts, where those doing the dumping work with each other reshaping, reforming, informing each otherās ideas into truly workable options for the present and for down the road. In ways that Bill Baker and his daughter can understand.
And in ways that make it look like the Left landscape has finally gone beyond the useless observation that itās easier to understand the end of the world than the end or capitalism or that what we need is a new economic vision for our world and āsomething like Pareconā may be it.
Turn Meta into a Left visionary war room. Otherwise itās just a dumping ground and already too many people live on top of dumps!