Tani waa Qaybta 1 ee taxane taxane ah oo ka kooban 5 qaybood oo diiradda saaraysa Imperialism-ka Maraykanka, Caalamiyaynta iyo dhaqaalaha Neo-liberal ee adduunka oo dhan 40kii sano ee la soo dhaafay. Qayb kasta oo xigta ayaa la daabici doonaa talaadada isku xigta.
HORDHAC
Dalka Maraykanka waxa uu ahaa dalka ugu caansan Dunida in ka badan 40 sano.[i] Waxaa jira falanqayn badan oo tartan ah oo ku saabsan horumarkaas, fahamyo kala duwan, iwm, oo leh dhammaan noocyada kala duwan ee caqli-galnimada kuwan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, iyada oo ay weheliso dadaallo dhab ah oo lagu doonayo in si sax ah loo fahmo muddadan, waxaa jira macluumaad badan oo khaldan, daahsoon, iyo been-abuur cad oo ku saabsan doorka ay ku leedahay adduunka iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyadeeda dhaqaale, siyaasadeed, ciidan iyo dhaqameed ee ay ku hawlan yihiin; Qayb ka mid ah tani waa mid miyir qabta, qaybna maaha, laakiin waxay la macno tahay in ay jiraan jahawareer weyn oo ku saabsan, maaha kaliya aqoonyahannada iyo saxafiyiinta, laakiin, ka sii muhiimsan, dhaqdhaqaaqayaasha iyo dadweynaha.
Maqaalkani waxa uu raadinayaa in uu kala furfuro fahamkeena taariikhda dhaqaale, siyaasadeed, iyo dhaqan ee Maraykanka 40kii sano ee la soo dhaafay si aan si miyir leh uga doodno halka uu waddanku aado, iyo waxa ay taasi uga dhigan tahay dadka Maraykanka.[ii]
Taasi waxay u baahan tahay aragti caalami ah, taas oo ka duwan diiradda qarankeena dhaqanka.
In kasta oo ay lagama maarmaan tahay, kuma filna in la xaddido dareenkayaga Mareykanka iyo/ama waddamada kale ee boqortooyadu. Waa in aan u dhaq-dhaqaaqnaa si caalami ah, iyo mid si gaar ah ay ugu jiraan dalalkii hore loo gumeysan jiray. Haa, tani waxay ka dhigaysaa arrimuhu aad u adag oo ka sii adag-waxayna nagu qasbaysaa inaan tixgelinno waxyaalaha laga yaabo inaynaan waligeen ka fiirsan. Haddana si fudud uma badin karno innagoon qaadanayn aragti caalami ah; Dhammaan wixii aan arkay oo aan bartay sannadihii la soo dhaafay, waa lagama maarmaanka ah; si kale looma samayn karo.
Sidaas awgeed, waxa had iyo jeer ah in la aqoonsado waa in horumarka bulsheed uu had iyo jeer ka dhaco xaalad bulsho oo gaar ah, taas oo saameynaysa, xumaan iyo samaan. Mar labaadna, xaaladdan bulsho waa in ay qaadato aragti caalami ah.
Dulucda bulshada ee ay tahay in la fahmo waa taas ilaa ugu yaraan dhamaadkii dagaalkii labaad ee aduunka 1945kii, madaxda sare ee Maraykanku waxay isku dayeen inay ka taliyaan dunida inteeda kale; Maraykanku waa waddan boqortooyo ah.[iii] Tani waxay ka dhigan tahay inaan si fudud Mareykanka ugu fahmi karin waddan kale, laakiin - mar walba - waa in aan aqoonsanaa in kani yahay xudunta u ah Boqortooyada Maraykanka. Tani waxa ay lahayd hab firfircoon si loo horumariyo danaha Maraykanka-sida ay go'aamiyeen madaxda dalkan-ka badan kuwa waddan kasta. Iyadoo la horumarinayo waxa kaliya oo loogu yeeri karo si dhab ah "qarannimada Mareykanka" -oo ku salaysan sarreynta cad - iyo faafinta tan iyada oo loo marayo nidaamka dugsiga, kaniisadaha, iyo machadyada kale ee bulshada (iyo been aad u weyn oo ku saabsan warbaahinta bulshada), akhyaarta ayaa helay weyn. tiro dad ah oo Maraykan ah si ay u taageeraan tacaburkooda Imperial.[iv]
Mid ka mid ah waxyaabaha xiisaha leh ee ku saabsan is-khiyaanada bulsheed ee Mareykanka ayaa ah in mashruucan Imperial ee dadka caanka ah lagu sheegay inuu yahay saldhigga heerka sare ee nolosha iyo wanaagga qaranka; ie, waxaan u baahanahay inaan noqono Imperialist, si aan u maamulno wadamada kale, si aan u noolaano si wanaagsan, inkastoo aan waligood la saadaalin karin shuruudahan.
Si kastaba ha ahaatee, laga soo bilaabo ilaa 1973-kii-iyo run ahaantii 1979-kii-heerarka nololeed ee Maraykanku wuu fadhiistay, haddaanu ka sii darin tirada sii kordhaysa ee dadka; tan waxaa lagu faah faahin doonaa qaybta 3 ee mashruucan guud. "Xalka," sida ay soo bandhigeen hoggaamiyeyaasheena siyaasadeed iyo kuwa bulsho waxa loo yaqaan "neo-liberal economics"; haddana sida si aan gabasho lahayn loo muujiyay, maxaa lagu dhawaaqay xalka runtii wax uun baa ka sii daray. Dhaqaalaha Neo-liberal, oo ka soo horjeeda waxa "ballan-qaadka" ahaa, dhab ahaantii waxay ka soo saartay kheyraadka dadweynaha qaranka maamulayaasha Boqortooyada Mareykanka halkii ay ka faa'iideysan lahaayeen dadkeena. Tani waxay musiibo ku noqotay dad badan oo Maraykan ah; sinnaan la'aanta bulsheed ayaa kor u kacday iyada oo malaayiin lacag bixin ah oo wanaagsan, badi shaqooyinkii ururka la burburiyay; adeegeena bulshada iyo nidaamka waxbarashada ayaa la weeraray; toogashada baahsan ayaa batay, waana markii ugu horeysay taariikhda Mareykanka, jiilka maanta ma sameyn doono dhaqaale ahaan sida waalidkood. Arrimuhuna waxay ku sii xumaanayaan oo keliya tirada dadka oo sii badanaysa.
Waxaa la joogaa waqtigii aan tixgelin lahayn hab cusub oo aan la xiriirno dhexdeenna, Mareykanka kale, iyo sidoo kale aadanaha adduunka oo dhan, iyo sidoo kale deegaanka meeraha.
FIKRADO MUHIIM AH: Imperialism, GLOBALIZATION, NEO-LIBERAL ECONOMICS
Si loo hubiyo in aan isku bogga ku jirno, waxaa jira saddex fikradood oo muhiim ah oo ay tahay in la sharaxo: "Imperialism," "globalization," iyo "neo-liberal economics," mid walbana waxaa looga hadlay tan iyo qaybaha soo socda. Kuwani waa ereyo aan laga hadlin guud ahaan (imperialism), oo lagu soo ururiyay sidii innagoo wadaaga faham guud (caalami), ama si fudud guud ahaan aan la qeexin laakiin loo baahan yahay in la fahmo (neo-liberal economics); guud ahaanna lama wada baadho. Waxay u baahan yihiin in la kala saaro oo mid walba la horumariyo oo la tuso sida ay u falgalaan, taas ayaana lagu sameeyaa halkan.
Waxaa jiray dood weyn oo dhexmartay falanqeeyayaasha oo ku saabsan xiriirka ka dhexeeya Imperialism iyo caalamiyeynta;[v] Dhab ahaantii, qaarkood waxay u tixraacaan sida "caalamiyeeynta Imperialist."
Taasi maaha habka ay qaar innaga mid ahi qaataan; laga yaabaa in ugu cad waa Jan Nederveen Pieterse (2004, Globalization mise Boqortooyada?).[vi] Caalamiyaynta waxa ay socotay tobanaan kun oo sano. Mararka qaarkood tani waxay qaadatay qaabka Imperialism-Alexander the Great, Genghis Khan, iwm.-laakiin marar kale ma aysan dhicin, sida marka aan ka hadalno socdaalka xuduudaha. Imperialism-ka casriga ah, si kastaba ha ahaatee, waxa uu ka bilaabmaa "safarkii sahaminta" ee mashaariicda badda ee wadamada galbeedka Yurub, qiyaastii 1500. Si kale haddii loo dhigo, kuwani waa habab kala duwan laakiin isku dhafan; waxay u baahan yihiin in loo fahmo.
Waa kuwan fikradaha-imperialism, globalization, iyo neo-liberal economics-kuwaas oo aan hadda markeeda uga hadlayo; Waxaan ku bilaabaya inaan ka hadlo imbaradooriyadda.
FAHAMKA Imperialism: Gumaysi iyo Gumaysi cusub[vii]
Imperialism waxaa inta badan loo diidaa sida erey hadal ah, laakiin waxaa halkan loo isticmaalaa si macquul ah si looga hadlo xaqiiqada dhulka. Asal ahaan waxa ay tilmaamaysaa fikradda ah in waddamo kala duwani aanay yeelan awood siyaasadeed-dhaqaale oo siman; Imperialism waxaa loola jeedaa xaqiiqda ah in dalalka qaar ayaa ka awood badan kuwa kale, iyo in kuwa xoogga badan ay u adeegsadaan awooddan si ay u sii wadaan ama u fidiyaan awooddooda kuwa daciifka ah marka dalalka kale aysan si iskood ah isu hoos gelinin dalka ka awoodda badan.
Mid ka mid ah wax ku biirinta ugu weyn ee Marxism ee halganka siyaasadeed waa horumarinta fikradda "imperialism." Si dhakhso ah loo soo koobo, iyada oo ku saleysan Lenin "Imperialism: Heerka ugu sarreeya ee Capitalism" (Lenin, 1916, New York: Publishers International) iyo sharraxaad la taaban karo oo ka dambeeya fikradda, Imperialism waa hab ay waddamada qaarkood awoodaan inay ka faa'iidaystaan kuwa kale, daciif ah. , dalalka ay ka helaan agabka ceeriin (sida dhul-beereed iyo wax-soo-saarkooda, sida alwaaxa, miraha, iwm), kheyraadka dabiiciga ah (macdanta sida dahabka, qalinka iyo naxaasta) iyo mararka qaarkood kheyraadkooda dadnimo (addoon ama, dhawaanahan). soogalootiga shaqada), kuwaas oo la ururiyey, ka dibna la ururiyey, oo lagu soo celiyay "guriga" waddanka boqortooyada si loogu isticmaalo si loo sii horumariyo waddanka boqortooyada.
Isla mar ahaantaana, tan waxaa la sameeyaa iyada oo aan wax tixgalin ah laga helin xoogagga Imperial ee saameynta waxyeellada leh ee dadka la beegsaday. Sida iska cad, duulaanka iyo dagaalku waxay si cajiib ah u baabi'inayaan oo saamayn degdeg ah ku leeyihiin dadka, gudaha iyo naftoodaba. Robert McNamara, oo ahaa Xoghayihii hore ee Difaaca Maraykanka ayaa sheegay in 3.8 milyan oo Vietnamese la dilay intii lagu guda jiray waxa Vietnamese ugu yeeraan "Dagaalka Ameerika," iyo Nick Turse (2013,) Dila wax kasta oo dhaqaaqa: Dagaalkii Ameerikaanka ee Vietnam. New York: Henry Holt) wuxuu diiwaangeliyaa 5.7 milyan oo kale oo dhaawac ah, iyo kharashyada jirka, deegaanka, bulshada, iyo shakhsi ahaaneed (kuwaas oo maanta sii socda kiisaska sii socda ee sharciga aan qarxin ee ka yimid dagaalkii dhammaaday 1975, iyo dhaawaca sii socda ee ka soo gaaray sumowga Orange).[viii]
Heer kale oo saameyn ah ayaa waxaa sabab u ah faragelinta arrimaha qaranka kale-adoo la adeegsanayo hawlgallada qarsoon ee CIA (Hay'adda Sirdoonka Dhexe) ama hawlgallada "dadweynaha" ee NED (National Endowment for Democracy)[ix]-si loo dhaqan geliyo rabitaanka Imbaraadooriyadda Mareykanka. Kuwani waxay had iyo jeer sababaan khalkhal badan oo bulshada ah ugu yaraan iyo marar badan dhimasho, xadhig, jirdil, iyo burburka dadka iyo magaalooyinka, gaar ahaan haddii ay ku guuleystaan inay afgembiyaan dawlado si dimoqraadi ah loo soo doortay, kuwaas oo Maraykanku ay hoos yimaadaan Richard Nixon iyo Henry Kissinger. waxa uu Chile ku qabtay Sebtembar 11, 1973—9/11-kii ugu horreeyay—50 sano ka hor sanadkan (2023).
Waxa kale oo jirta doorka cunaqabataynta siyaasadeed. Halkaa waa halka waddan-guud ahaan Maraykanku-ku soo rogo xadka waxa waddanku soo dejin karo ama dhoofin karo,taasina waxa lagu sameeyaa cadaadis, xannibaadda badda,iyo siyaabo kale. Waxaa laga yaabaa in kiiska caadiga ah uu yahay kiiskii Ciraaq - inta u dhaxaysa duullaankii koowaad iyo labaad ee Maraykanku hoggaamiyo (1991-2003) -halkaas oo xoghayaha arrimaha dibadda ee Maraykanka Madeleine Albright ay si cad u sheegtay mar ay waydiisay wariyaha CBS News Leslie Stahl, "Waxaan u malaynaynaa in qiimaha uu yahay Waxaa mudan in ku dhawaad 500,000 (aan si khaldan loo daabacin) caruur Ciraaqi ah oo da'doodu ka yar tahay shan sano ay u dhinteen cunaqabataynta Maraykanka (Stahl, 1996, "Waraysi CBS ah oo lala yeeshay Madeleine Albright, Xoghayaha Arrimaha Dibedda ee Maraykanka ee Bill Clinton. May 12." On- line at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KP1OAD9jSaI). Maraykanku waxa uu cunaqabatayn ku soo rogay dunida oo dhan kaligiis waxana uu saamayn xun ku yeeshay Cuba iyo Venezuela, marka laga soo tago Ciraaq.
Rabshadaha la sameeyay ka sokow, saamaynta dhiig-miirashada waxaa lagu fahmi karaa in la fahmo xatooyada fudud ee alaabtan ceeriin, kheyraadka dabiiciga ah, iyo dadka, ama waxaa lagu aqoonsan karaa saameynta jireed, bulsho, shucuur, iyo deegaan ee xatooyada noocaas ah waxay sii socon kartaa qarniyo badan, oo lagu tilmaami karo dulmi.
Si kale haddii loo dhigo, si loo bilaabo fahamka imbaraadooriyadda, waa in la gartaa in ay tahay hab is-dhexgal oo u dhexeeya waddan ka xoog badan iyo mid daciif ah, looguna talagalay in uu ka faa'iidaysto ka xoogga leh oo uu ku baxo kan daciifka ah; halkaas oo dalka xoogga badan uu isticmaalo ciidan, dhaqaale, siyaasadeed, diblomaasiyad, iyo/ama kheyraadkiisa dhaqan si uu xukunkiisa ugu soo rogo midka daciifka ah; waxaana xeerkan looga dan leeyahay in lagu sii wado ka faa’iidaysiga iyo dulmiga lagu hayo shucuubta iyo deegaanka dalka taagta daran si loo sii wado talada mid ka xoog badan oo muddo ka dib..[X]
Hannaan-raacyadan wax-ku-oolka ah, si kastaba ha ahaatee, waa ay sii fogaanayaan: waxaa loogu talagalay in lagu dhiso xukunka dalka oo kaliya maaha mid ka mid ah dalka iyo kheyraadka guud ahaan, laakiin waxay ku xiran yihiin dhaqanka iyo sidaas maskaxda shakhsi ahaaneed ee muwaadiniinta dalka la hoos geliyo, oo la helo tan dambe. ugu yaraan aqbal haddii aan la aqbalin fikradaha ah in dalka talada haya uu ka sarreeyo si dabiici ah uu u xakameeyo nolosha dadka ku nool waddanka la hoos dhigay iyo inuu sii socdo weligiis.[xi]
Si kastaba ha ahaatee, waxaa jira laba nooc oo Imperialism: Gumeysiga iyo Neo-colonialism. Waa maxay farqiga u dhexeeya?
Gumeysigu waa habka duulaanka tooska ah iyo qabsashada dhul gaar ah oo uu ku hayo dal ka xoog badan, iyadoo aan loo eegin in dhulka la weeraray uu yahay mid u abaabulan qaab qaran ama qaab dhuleed; marka la eego wakhtigan xaadirka ah, waa marka dalka xoogga badan uu dhigo "kabaha dhulka." Waa la sameeyay in la sameeyo gumeysi dalka Imbaraadooriyadda ah si loo xaqiijiyo ka faa'iidaysiga dhaqaale ee joogtada ah iyo xukunka siyaasadeed ee dalka Imperial ee faa'iido u leh dalka Imperial; waxaa loo sameeyaa si ka baxsan rabitaanka dadka caadiga ah ee dhulkaas, haddii "elite" degaanku ogol yahay iyo haddii kale.
Si kastaba ha ahaatee, inta lagu guda jiro xilliga gumeysiga, dalalka Imperial guud ahaan waxay guursadeen wiilal-iyo sii kordheysa, gabdhaha - ee ka mid ah kuwii hore ee gumeysiga si ay u maamulaan dalka ka dib xornimada, gaar ahaan iyaga oo wax baraya, ha ahaato "guriga" ama dalka Imperial. ee "cajiibka" bulshada Imperial. Furaha taasi waa in laga dhaadhiciyo "hoggaamiyeyaasha" mustaqbalka (ie, elites) in dariiqa ugu wanaagsan ee dalkooda ay tahay "si ikhtiyaari ah" inay aqbalaan xiriirka dhaqaale ee faa'iidada leh ee uu sameeyay xilligii gumeysiga ee waddankii Imperial oo ay sii wadaan xornimada ka dib. Si kale haddii loo dhigo, marka la siinayo madaxbannaanida siyaasadeed, gumaystuhu wuxuu raadiyaa dhammaan xaaladaha si uu u ilaaliyo xiriir dhaqaale oo faa'iido leh xorriyadda ka dib; Tan waxaa loo yaqaannaa gumeysi cusub.[xii] Waxay ku sii haysaa dalka madax-bannaan oo hoos yimaada dhaqaalaha, iyo inta badan siyaasadda, xukunka waddanka Imperial, iyada oo aan la helin awood ciidan oo cad.
Tani maahan wax u xun dalka cusub ee xornimada qaatay; ka dib oo dhan, xad-gudubyada gumaysigu ku hayo muwaadiniinta ku dhawaad had iyo jeer waa la dhimay xornimada ka dib; iyo marar badan, tayo ahaan. Waxayna dadku u arkaan in dadka iyaga u eg ay maamuli karaan arrimaha dalka xorta ah, iyaga oo ka horyimid fikradda “Sareeynta cad” ee la dhisay xilligii gumeysiga. Dhab ahaantii Kuwani waa faa'iidooyin u ah dhammaan dadka ay khusayso. Haddana faa'iidooyinku had iyo jeer way xaddidan yihiin in aanay guud ahaan saamayn-ama, kaba sii darane, ay xoojinayaan-xidhiidhka dhaqaale ee lagu aasaasay gumaysiga; xidhiidho loo dejiyay in ay ka faa’iidaystaan dalka Imbaraadooriyadda oo ay kharashkooda ku bixiyaan kii la gumaystay.
Halka Lenin iyo farcankiisa siyaasadeed ay falanqaynta imbaradooriyadda ay muhiim tahay, haddana aad bay u xaddidan tahay; asal ahaan waxay ku kooban tahay ka faa'iidaysiga dhaqaalaha.[xiii] Waxa halkan la iska indho tiray, in waddan Imperialist ahi uu inta badan raadiyo in uu ka taliyo dalal dhawr ah, marna waa isku qayb oo dunida ka mid ah, marna meelo kale, marna qaybo badan isku mar ku wada sugan yihiin.[xiv] Mararka qaarkoodna, cilaaqaadka Imbaraadooriyadda shakhsi ahaaneed waxay ku kooban yihiin xidhiidhada dhaqaale ee faa'iidada leh.
Haddana mararka qaarkood ma jiraan. Waxa dhaqanka Marxistgu uu guud ahaan iska indho-tiray waa xidhiidhka siyaasadeed, ee u dhexeeya dalalka Imbaraadooriyadda gaarka ah iyo kuwa la gumaystayba, iyo kuwa ka dhexeeya dalalka kala duwan ee Imperial laftooda.
Jan Nederveen Pieterse wuu dhaafey fikirka Lenin. In uu jid-gooyo Boqortooyada iyo Xoraynta: Awooda iyo Xoraynta ee Miisaanka Caalamiga ah (New York: Praeger, 1989), Nederveen Pieterse wuu aqbalay falanqaynta dhaqaale ee Lenin laakiin wuxuu ku daraa falanqaynta siyaasadeed ee dhaqaalaha. Si kale haddii loo dhigo, Nederveen Pieterse ayaa ku doodaya in imbaraadooriyaddu leedahay labada Dhiirigelinta dhaqaale iyo siyaasadeed iyo, innaga oo intaa ku darayna, waxay noo ogolaanaysaa in aan tixgelinno arrimaha ku saabsan xukunka iyo hoos-u-dhigga xiriirka qaranka, taas oo noo ogolaanaysa in aan tixgelinno jagooyinka istaraatiijiga ah iyo boqortooyooyinka, iyo saameynta ay ku leeyihiin taariikhda adduunka.[xv] Intaa waxaa dheer, xaaladaha qaarkood, dhiirigelinta dhaqaale ayaa ugu horreeya halka kuwa kale, dhiirigelinta siyaasadeed ay yihiin asaasiga; midna uma qaadan karo in dhiirigelintu ay tahay aasaaska, laakiin waa in lagu xaqiijiyo falanqaynta dhabta ah.
Si kastaba ha ahaatee, fahamka Nederveen Pieterse ee imbarayaaliyadda ayaa ka baxsan heerka qaran-dawladeedka. Maqaal 2010, waxaan ku faahfaahiyay:
Bulsho siyaasadeed waxay inta badan ka hadlaysaa qaran-qaran; si kastaba ha ahaatee, iyada oo ay ku jiraan dawladaha-qaran ee qaybtan, Nederveen Pieterse fahamkiisa imbarayaaliyadda waxa uu ka sii dheer yahay heerka qaran-dawladeedka. Waxa uu aqoonsan yahay in taarikhdii hore ee xukunka dibadda awgeed, kooxaha wadaaga dhaqan, caado, af, iyo urur siyaasadeed (ie, “bulshooyinka siyaasadda”) laga yaabo in lagu dhex daray xudduudaha bulshooyinka kale ee siyaasadda. Tusaalooyinka tan waxaa ka mid ah quruumaha u dhashay Mareykanka ee lagu daray Mareykanka, Falastiiniyiinta oo lagu daray Israa'iil, Kurdiyiinta Turkiga, Suuriya, Iran, iyo Ciraaq, iyo hubaal tani sidoo kale waa run dadka asaliga ah ee adduunka. Haddaba, Nederveen Pieterse intii la iska indho tiri lahaa dadyowgaas ama laga dhigi lahaa kuwo aan khusayn iyadoo fahamka imbaraadooriyadda lagu soo koobo oo keliya dawlad-goboleedyo, Nederveen Pieterse waxay ballaadhinaysaa fikradda Imperialism si ay ugu daraan xukunka hal beel siyaasadeed oo kale, taasina waxay ka dhex jiri kartaa xudduudaha hadda jira. Qaran-dowladeed: Xidhiidhradan xudduudaha bulshada ee ka gudba siyaasadda waxay ku saleysan yihiin xiriir awoodeed oo aan sinnayn, iyadoo kuwa xoogga badan ay xukumaan kuwa daciifka ah (Scipes, 2010b: 468).
Si kastaba ha ahaatee, marka laga soo tago in la aqoonsan yahay in Imperialism aysan ku koobnayn oo kaliya dawladaha qaranka, Nederveen Pieterse ayaa ku doodaya in ururada heerarka kala duwan ee bulshada bulshada ay ku lug yeelan karaan Imperialism, taasina waxay caawin kartaa boqortooyooyinka la aasaasay. Sidaa awgeed, Nederveen Pieterse waxay kordhisaa fikradda imbaraadooriyadda "toos ahaan" si loogu daro heerarka kala duwan ee xukunka. Ma aha oo kaliya in uu xooga saaro xidhiidhka maamul ee heer qaran, balse waxa uu ku darayaa xidhiidhka maamul ee heerar ka sareeya iyo mid ka hooseeya heer qaran. Tusaale ahaan, heerka maamul-goboleedka (heerka sare marka loo eego dawlad-goboleedyada/bulshooyinka siyaasadda), waxaa la dhisi karaa xiriir maamul, sida Qaramada Midoobay (UN) iyo dadka waddan kasta oo gaar ah (sida UN "ciidamada nabad ilaalinta" iyo dadka Haitian isku raranta ah). Sidoo kale, xiriirka xukunka waxaa lagu dhisi karaa heer dowlad-goboleed hoose (heerka hoose), sida inta u dhexeysa urur shaqaale oo ka jira Mareykanka iyo ururada shaqaalaha ee dalalka kale. Si kale haddii loo dhigo, Nederveen Pieterse kaliya kuma balaadhiso fikradda Imperialism ee dhidibka jiifka ah iyada oo la ballaarinayo si loogu daro xukunka xudduudaha bulshada siyaasadeed, laakiin sidoo kale wuxuu u fidiyaa si toos ah isagoo ku daraya heerar kala duwan oo xukun. Waa in la aqoonsado in xukunka uu ku dhici karo heer hoose Dawlad-goboleed awood u oggolaanaysa in ay xisbiga Labour-ku maamulaan xudduudaha-siyaasadda-bulshada-xuduudaha in lagu daro fikradda Imperialism (Scipes, 2010b: 468).
Intaa ka dib, oo ka yimid aragti kale, culimada sida Alfred W. McCoy (2009, 2017, 2021) waxay sii horumariyeen fahamka boqortooyooyinka. McCoy (2017), oo diiradda saaraya hoos u dhaca Boqortooyada Mareykanka, ayaa ku doodaya in sheegashada boqortooyadu ay tahay mid soo noqnoqonaysa. Ka dib markii uu falanqeeyay qoraayo badan oo dhinacyo badan taabanaya, waxa uu tilmaamay, “Marka la soo koobo, falanqeeyayaasha siyaasadda ayaa isku raacay. boqortooyadiisa wuxuu ahaa ereyga ugu habboon ee lagu qeexi karo heerka awoodda sare ee Ameerika hadda" (McCoy, 2017: 47). Iyo intaa ka sii dheer, "Ugu yeerida ummad maamusha ku dhawaad kala bar ciidamada millatariga meeraha iyo hantideeda inteeda badan 'boqortooyo' waxay noqotay wax aan ka badnayn ku habboonaanta qaab gorfaynta xaqiiqooyinka ku habboon" (McCoy, 2017: 43).[xvi]
Markaa, markii ay maamulayeen waddamada taagta daran, kuwii xoogga badnaa waxay awooddoodii isugu geeyeen boqortooyo.
Boqortooyooyinku, sannadihii la soo dhaafay, waxay u tartamayeen inay maamulaan boqortooyooyin kale.
Imperialism, nooc kasta oo ay tahay, waxay ku salaysan tahay rabshad, haddii loo isticmaalo xaalad gaar ah iyo haddii kale. Thomas Ferguson (2012, "Hordhac: Dib-u-Fikirka Gobolka iyo"Suuqyada Xorta ah" ee Neoliberalism" ee Ronald W. Cox, ed.: xi-xv) wuxuu soo bandhigayaa jaantus soo jiidasho leh (fiiri sawirkiisa 1) kaas oo muujinaya bilawga isticmaalka US ama faragelin qarsoodi ah oo dibadda ah intii u dhaxaysay 1798-2001. Waxay ku salaysan tahay xogta Adeegga Cilmi-baarista Kongareeska Mareykanka, oo soo aruuriyay warbixin, "Tusaalo Ciidamada Qalabka Sida ee Mareykanka ee Dibadda laga soo bilaabo 1798," iyo Blum (2014). Waxa ay muujinaysaa waa tiro joogto ah laakiin hooseysa tirada faragelinta ilaa 1947 (marka CIA waxaa la abuuray iyada oo loo marayo Sharciga Amniga Qaranka),[xvii] ka dibna si weyn ayey u booday ilaa 1975: "Isticmaalka xoogga hubaysan ee dibadda iyo ficillada qarsoodiga ah ayaa kor u kacay intii lagu jiray dagaalkii qaboobaa, ka hor inta aan si lama filaan ah hoos ugu dhicin inta kale ee dhageysiga Guddiga Kaniisada ..." Wuxuu sii wadaa: "Dhicinta faragelinta ma aysan sii socon. ; Taa beddelkeeda, waxay si weyn ula noqotay ku dhawaaqida "Reagan Doctrine" (Ferguson, 2012: xi), markii ay dhaaftay qaddar aad u badan xilligii 1947-75.
Aqoonsiga tani waxay nooga baahan tahay inaan fahamno, iskudayga in aan xisaabino horumarka caalamiga ah ee hantiwadaaga, in raasumaalku aanu ka dhex shaqaynayn duni hantiwadaaga “dhex dhexaad ah”, halkaas oo ay go'aannada maamulayaasha mulkiilayaasha ama shirkadaha ay xukumaan, balse ay ku dhex jiraan adduun siyaasadeed oo si heersare ah loo agaasimay. Boqortooyada sida ay u horumariyeen dawlad-goboleedyo gaar ah (eeg McCoy, 2021).
Waqti ka dib - tani waxay noqon kartaa tobanaan sano, haddii aysan ahayn qarniyo hoos-u-dhac -gumeysigu guud ahaan waxay ka heleen madax-bannaanidooda siyaasadeed ee gumaystahooda Imperial.[xviii] Mararka qaarkood, xornimada waxay ku timid halgan hubaysan; yacni, kacdoono. Marar kale, faa'iidooyinka gumaystaha ayaa noqday mid xaddidan oo gumaystuhu siiyay madaxbannaani siyaasadeed si uu u yareeyo kharashaadka mustaqbalka ee waddanka Boqortooyada. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, mar kale, inta badan gumeysigii hore waxay heleen kaliya madaxbannaanidooda siyaasadeed; dhaqaale ahaan waxay ku xidhan yihiin sayidkoodii hore ee gumaystaha.[xix]
Marka, si loo soo koobo:
Imperialism waa hab is-dhexgal oo u dhexeeya bulsho siyaasadeed oo xoog badan (qaran-qaran, ama heer qaran ama heer-goboleed) iyo bulsho siyaasadeed oo daciif ah, oo loogu talagalay inay ka faa'iidaystaan ta xoogga leh oo ay ka baxaan kuwa daciifka ah; Meesha beesha siyaasadeed ee xoogga badan ay u isticmaasho kheyraadkeeda (oo ay ku jiraan, sida ku habboon, militariga, dhaqaalaha, siyaasadda, diblomaasiyadda, iyo/ama kheyraadka dhaqanka) si ay ugu soo rogaan xukunkooda kan daciifka ah; waxaana xeerkan looga dan leeyahay in lagu sii wado ka faa’iidaysiga iyo dulmiga lagu hayo shucuubta iyo deegaanka dalka taagta daran si loo sii wado talada mid ka xoog badan oo wakhtigeedu sii socoto.
Taxanahan taariikhda waxa wada daabacay ZNetwork iyo Fikirka Bulshada Cagaaran.
Qaybta 2 waxay ka hadlaysaa "caalami-yeelaynta." Waad awoodaa halkan ka akhri taxanaha oo dhan (dhammaan 5ta qaybood).
Kim Scipes, PhD, daabace hore, waa urur ganacsi oo waqti dheer ah iyo dhaqdhaqaaqe shaqaale, hadda xubin ka ah Ururka Qorayaasha Qaranka ee Maxalliga ah 1982, AFL-CIO. Sidoo kale waa Professor Emeritus ee cilmiga bulshada ee Jaamacadda Purdue Northwest ee Westville, Indiana, USA. Waxa uu daabacay afar buug ilaa maanta, iyo in ka badan 250 maqaalo-oo ku jira dib-u-eegis lagu sameeyay asxaabta, takhasuska guud, iyo joornaalada dhaqdhaqaaqa iyo wargeysyada- gudaha Maraykanka iyo 11 waddan oo adduunka ah. Shaqadiisa, oo ay ku jiraan dhammaan buugiisa Xarunta Shaqada ee KMU ee Filibiin, waxaa lagu heli karaa bilaash Daabacaad - Jaamacadda Purdue Waqooyi-galbeed (pnw.edu). Isagu sidoo kale waa aasaasaha LEPAIO (Mashruuca Waxbarashada Shaqada ee AFL-CIO International Operations), kaas oo mareegtiisu ay tahay https://aflcio-int.education/.
DHAMMAAN
[i] Sida si dhakhso ah loo arki doono, runtii waxaan u maleynayaa in tani ay dib ugu laabaneyso ugu yaraan 1945, laakiin waxaan diiradda saarayaa muddadii tan iyo 1981 ee maqaalkan.
[ii] In kasta oo aan si aad ah uga warqabo dhibaatada cimilada iyo baabi'inta deegaanka, oo aan si sii kordheysa wax uga qorayo mowduucyadan, waxaan doortay in aanan kaga hadlin maqaalkan. Boggayga shabakadda ee aan diiradda saaro arrimahan, fadlan u tag boggayga "Isbeddelka Cimilada, Burburka Deegaanka, iyo Caddaaladda Bulshada: Khayraadka", on-line bilaash ah, at https://www.pnw.edu/faculty/kim-scipes-ph-d/publications/climate-change-publication/, oo ay sidoo kale ku jirto xiriirinta qoraaladayda la xidhiidha.
[iii] Tixraacyo kale oo badan, eeg William Blum, 2000, Gobolka Rogue: Hagaha Quwada Kaliya ee Adduunka. Monroe, ME: Geesinimada Guud; 2014. Rajada Dilka: Faragelintii Milatariga Mareykanka iyo CIA ilaa Dagaalkii Labaad ee Adduunka-daabacaad dib loo eegay. London: Zed; iyo 2015. Dhoofinta Ugu Dhimatay Ameerika: Dimuqraadiyadda—Xaqiiqda Ku Saabsan Siyaasadda Arrimaha Dibadda Mareykanka iyo Wax kasta oo kale. London: Zed; Noam Chomsky, 2003, Hegemony mise badbaadada? Baadigoobka Ameerika ee Xukunka Caalamiga ah. New
York: Buugaagta Magaalo Weynta; Greg Grandin, 2007, Aqoon-is-weydaarsiga Boqortooyada: Laatiin Ameerika, Mareykanka, iyo kor u kaca Imperialism-ka cusub. New York: Henry Holt; Chalmers Johnson, 2000. Dib-u-dhac: Kharashka iyo Cawaaqibta Boqortooyada Maraykanka. New York: Henry
Holt; iyo 2010kii. Baabi'inta Boqortooyada: Rajada Umadda ee ugu dambaysay ee Maraykanku. New York: Henry Holt; Nimco Klein, 2007, Caqiidada naxdinta leh: Kor u kaca Hantiwadaaga Musiibada. New York: Picador; 2014, iyo Tani wax kasta bedeshaa: Capitalism vs Cimilada. New York: Simon iyo Schuster; Alfred W. McCoy, 2009, Ilaalinta Boqortooyada Mareykanka: Mareykanka, Filibiin, iyo Kor u kaca Gobolka Ilaalada. Madison: Jaamacadda Wisconsin Press; 2017, Hooska Qarniga Mareykanka: Kor u kaca iyo Hoos u dhaca Awoodda Caalamiga ah ee Mareykanka. Chicago: Buugaagta Haymarket; iyo 2021, Si aad u maamusho Globe: Amarrada Adduunka iyo Isbeddelka Masiibada ah. Chicago: Buugaagta Haymarket; Jan Nederveen Pieterse, 1989. Boqortooyada iyo Xoraynta: Awooda iyo Xoraynta ee Miisaanka Caalamiga ah. New York: Praeger; 2004. Globalization mise Boqortooyada? London iyo New York: Routledge; iyo 2008dii. Rajo ma u jirtaa Adeer Sam? Ka baxsan xumbo Ameerika. London iyo New York: Zed; William I. Robinson, 1996. Horumarinta Polyarchy: Caalamiyaynta, Faragelinta Maraykanka iyo Hegemony. Cambridge: Jaamacadda Cambridge Press; Kim Qaybaha, 1984. "Siyaasadda Wershadaha: Miyay Maraykanka u Hoggaamin kartaa Dhaqaale Xumo? Dib-u-eegis Shaqaale Cusub, Barnaamijka Daraasaadka Shaqada ee Jaamacadda Gobolka San Francisco, Vol. 6, Guga: 27-53. Waxa lagu cusboonaysiiyay qaab buugyaro ah, Diseembar 1984. Nuqulka buug-yaraha waxa uu ku yaala on-line at https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/read/35435605/industrial-policy-can-it-lead-the-us-out-of-its-economic-malaise; 2009, "Siyaasadaha Dhaqaale ee Neo-Liberal ee Maraykanka: Saamaynta Caalamaynta ee Waddan 'Waqooyi'." Wargeyska Hindiya ee Siyaasadda iyo Xiriirka Caalamiga ah, Vol. 2, No. 1, Janaayo-June: 12-47. On-line at https://znetwork.org/znetarticle/neo-liberal-economic-policies-in-the-united-states-by-kim-scipes-1/; 2010a. Dagaalka Qarsoon ee AFL-CIO ee ka dhanka ah Horumarinta Shaqaalaha Dalka: Midnimo Mise Qaran Dumis? Lanham, MD: Lexington Books; 2010b. "Waa maxay sababta Imperialism-ka Shaqaalaha? Hogaamiyayaasha Siyaasada Arimaha Dibada ee AFL-CIO iyo aduunka soo koraya. USA ka shaqaynaysa, Vol. 13, No. 4 (Diisambar): 465-579. On-line at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/263615708_Why_labor_imperialism_AFL-CIO’s_foreign_policy_leaders_and_the_developing_world; 2016a. "Labour Imperialism." The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism iyo Anti-imperialism, ed. Waxaa qoray Immanuel Ness iyo Zak Cope. London: Palgrave Macmillan: 1294-1304. On-line at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/339129986_Labour_Imperialism; 2017, "Fashilka Xumada ee Hoggaanka Shaqada ee Maraykanka, 1980-2017 iyo Sii socoshada." Heerka, Jinsiyada iyo Awooda Shirkadda, Vol. 5, Caddadka 2, Qodobka 5. On-line at https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol5/iss2/5; 2020a. "Ma la joogaa waqtigii Xarunta Shaqada Cusub ee Maraykanka?" Net, Febraayo 19. On-line at https://znetwork.org/znetarticle/is-it-time-for-a-new-labor-center-in-the-united-states/; 2022b. "Barnaamijka Siyaasadda Dibadda ee AFL-CIO: Halka ay hadda Taariiqda Taariikhyahanadu." Heerka, Jinsiyada iyo Awooda Shirkadda, Vol. 8, cadadka 2aad, qodobka 5aad (Oktoobar). On-line at https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol8/iss2/5; iyo Oliver Stone iyo Butros Kuznick, 2012. Taariikhda Maraykanka ee aan la sheegin. New York: Buugaagta Gallery.
Qaar ayaa ku doodaya in dadaalladan xoogga badan ay bilaabeen xitaa horraantii, 1898-kii, oo ay la socdeen dagaalladii Isbaanishka-Maraykanka iyo Filibiin-Maraykanka. Daniel Immerwahr (2019, Sida Loo Qariyo Boqortooyo: Taariikh Gaaban ee Maraykanka; London: Vintage) waxay dib ugu celinaysaa imaatinka reer Yurub ee Ameerika dabayaaqadii 1400aadkii.
[iv] “Qarannimada Mareykanka,” waxaan ula jeedaa fikradda ah in Mareykanka uu yahay dalka ugu weyn adduunka, in uu ka sarreeyo kuwa kale, in qof kasta oo adduunka ku nool uu doonayo in uu ku noolaado Mareykanka, iyo in hoggaamiyeyaasheeda. way ka maskax badan yihiin, ka aqoon badan yihiin, uga naxariis badan yihiin cid kasta oo kale, sidaa awgeed, in qof kastaa uu u eegayo Maraykanka hoggaaminta caalamiga ah maadaama madaxdiisu ay yihiin dad xaq ah, ujeeddooyinkooduna waa "daafic", waddankani wuxuu u dhow yahay jannada dhulka sida bini'aadminimo ayaa jirta. Ficilkeedu, sidaas darteed, waa mid aan la weerari karin. Tani waa khiyaali loo saadaaliyay run ahaan; waa mabda’ aan ku salaysnayn falanqeyn maangal ah oo taariikhdeeda lagu sameeyay, mana ku salaysnayn maangal caqli gal ah maanta meelaha uu Maraykanku ku xooggan yahay iyo meelaha uu ku liito. Waa wax aan jirin.
Qaranimadan Ameerikaanku waxay ku salaysan tahay sarraynta cadaanka, fikradda ah in qofka ugu hooseeya, ma jiro xisaab cad oo ka sarreeya qofka midabka leh. Sidoo kale, waxay ku salaysan tahay khiyaali waxayna u baahan tahay faham-darro dhammaystiran oo miyir leh oo ku saabsan taariikhda Maraykanka. Waa been wadareed.
Tusaale ahaan saamaynta xun ee qarannimadan Maraykanka ah, waxaa lagu doodaa inay gacan ka geysato kicinta imbaraadooriyadda shaqada ee hoggaamiyeyaasha siyaasadda dibadda ee AFL-CIO (eeg Scipes, 2010a, 2010b, 2016a, 2022b).
[v] Maqaal aad u wanaagsan oo ka hadlaya militariga Mareykanka, iyo howlgallada militariga Mareykanka ee dalal dhowr ah, David Gibbs (2012. "Complex Military-Industrial Complex in a Globalized Context" ee Ronald W. Cox, ed, 2012. Awooda Shirkadaha iyo Caalamaynta Siyaasada Arimaha Dibada ee Maraykanka. London iyo New York: Routledge.: 95-113) tan waxa uu dhigayaa ugu yaraan in yar (oo aan gebi ahaanba ahayn) macnaha guud ee caalamiga ah; sida hoos lagu arki doono, anigu kuma raacsani habkan, oo waxay ila tahay inuu isticmaalo ereyga "imprire" halkii uu ka isticmaali lahaa "qalab ciidan-warshadeed." Waxaan u maleynayaa in doodiisu ay si xooggan u taageersan tahay fikradda Boqortooyada.
[vi] Waxaan markii ugu horreysay la kulmay Dr. Jan Nederveen Pieterse markii aan ka soo qayb galay Machadka Cilmi-baarista Bulshada ee Hague, Nederlaan ka dib markii uu martiqaaday Dr. Peter Waterman si uu u sameeyo shahaadada Masterka ee Daraasaadka Horumarinta Agoosto 1990 (si kooban ayaa looga hadlay Qaybaha, 2021, Dhisidda Wadajirka Shaqada Caalamiga ah: Casharrada ka yimid Filibiin, Koonfur Afrika, Waqooyi-galbeed ee Yurub, iyo Mareykanka (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.: xvi-xvii). Sida la arki doono, shaqada Nederveen Pieterse (magaca dambe ee labanlaaban ee aan la qarin) ayaa saameyn weyn ku yeeshay horumarkayga soo socda, tixraacayga tiro ka mid ah shaqooyinkiisa waxaa sabab u ah aragtidiisa iyo caddaynta fekerkiisa ee maaha kaliya sababtoo ah talobixintiisa iyo talada. 30-kii sano ee la soo dhaafay xoogaa-cajiib ah.
[vii] Qaybtani waxay si weyn u soo jiidanaysaa Scipes (2010a, b, 2016a), halkaas oo aan ka hadlo oo aan sii horumariyo fikradda Imperialism ka dibna si gaar ah Imperialism shaqada.
[viii] McNamara wuxuu sheegantiisa ku sameeyay filimka Errol Morris '2003, "The Fog of War."
Magaalada Ho Chi Minh (oo hore loo yiqiin Saigon), oo aan dhowr jeer booqday oo aan wax ku baray xilliyadii xagaaga ee 2017 iyo 18 ee Jaamacadda Ton Duc Thang, Matxafka Haraadiga Dagaalka ayaa la aasaasay si loo xasuusto dagaalka oo dhan. ee dhibteeda. Waxaa jira qolal loogu talagalay dhibanayaasha sumowga Orange, taas oo wali saameyn ku leh dadka hadda, sawirada qaar ayaa ah kuwo aad u naxdin badan in Marine hore ee Maraykanka uusan waligiis awoodin inuu si buuxda u soo bandhigo bandhigga gaarka ah.
[ix] Iyadoo aan u malaynayo in dad badani wax ka og yihiin CIA-eeg Blum, 2000, 2014, 2015—NED (National Endowment for Democracy) aad ayaa loo yaqaan. William Robinson (1996) aad buu wax uga qoray hawlahooda, aniguna waxaan kaga hadlay buuggaygii 2010-kii. Dagaalka Qarsoon ee AFL-CIO ee ka dhanka ah Horumarinta Shaqaalaha Dalka (Qaybaha, 2010a: 96-105.). Sidoo kale, dhowr maqaal oo ku saabsan dadaalkooda Venezuela, eeg Qaybaha, 2005 ("Isbahaysiga Aan Xun: The AFL-CIO iyo National Endowment for Democracy (NED) ee Venezuela." On-line at https://znetwork.org/znetarticle/an-unholy-alliance-by-Kim-Scipes, iyo 2014a, "Deeqaha Qaranka ee Dimuqraadiyadda: Aalad Boqortooyada Mareykanka ee Venezuela. " CommonDreams.org, Febraayo 26; hawlgaladii ugu dambeeyay ee Maraykanku ka dhanka ahaa Venezuela, eeg sidoo kale Tim Gill (2020. "Dukumentiyada Cusub ee La Soo Bandhigay Waxay Tusayaan Sida AFL-CIO U Caawintay Faragelinta Venezuela." Yacquubin, Ogosto 5. On-line at https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/08/venezuela-hugo-chavez-afl-cio-united-states), Gill iyo Rebecca Hanson (2019, "Sidee Washington u maalgelisay Kacaanka Venezuela." Qaranka, Febraayo 6. On-line at https://thenation.com/article/archive/venezuela-washington-funded-counterrevolution/), iyo Hanson iyo Gill (2019, "Venezuela ee Isgoysyada kale." Congress-ka Waqooyiga Ameerika ee Latin America, January 24. On-line at https://nacla.org/news/2019/01/24/venezuela-another-crossroads..
[X] Iyadoo diiradda degdega ah ee halkan ku taal ay tahay "dalka daciifka ah", waxaan rabaa in aan ogaado "faa'iidooyinka" ee u baxa guud ahaan dalka boqortooyada in aan si siman loogu qaybin dadkeeda; faa'iidooyinka dalka Imperial waa "la wadaagaa" si waafaqsan; ie, sinaan la'aan. Dhab ahaantii, ilaa dadka ku nool heerarka hoose ee dal Imperial ah ay iskood isu abaabulaan si ay awood ugu yeeshaan in ay ku qasbaan dadka aqoonta u leh inay wadaagaan faa'iidooyinka dhaqaale, inta badan haddii aysan dhammaan faa'iidooyinka waxay ku xiran yihiin khasnadaha madaxda, halka shaqaaluhu ay ku jiraan. Dalka Imbaraadooriyadda ayaa la kulma dhiig-miirasho joogto ah.
Hal mar oo shaqaalaha Maraykanku ay ku qasbeen aqoonyahannada siyaasadda iyo dhaqaalaha inay wadaagaan abaalmarintooda waxay ahayd sannadihii 1948-1973, muddada loo yaqaan "sanadaha dahabka ah ee dhaqaalaha Mareykanka," taasoo ka dhalatay ballaarinta ballaaran ee dhaqdhaqaaqa shaqaalaha Mareykanka 1930-kii iyo 40-meeyadii, iyo rabitaankeeda dagaal. In kasta oo ay saamayn aad u weyn ku leedahay kuwii noolaa muddadan, muddadani waa gef ku ah taariikhda Maraykanka, mana jiraan calaamado muujinaya in dib loo soo celin doono ama lagu soo noqnoqon doono.
Isla mar ahaantaana, ay ugu horrayn yihiin dhallinyaro, " dabaqad shaqo ah " iyo ragga saboolka ah (iyo dumarka sii kordhaya) ee ay u diraan akhlaaqda si ay u qabtaan shaqadooda wasakhda ah ee ka dhanka ah shucuubta waddan kasta oo la beegsanayo, kuwaas oo bixiya kharashkaas. Noloshooda inteeda kale—haddii ayan ku waayin dagaal ama adeeg kale oo ciidan — oo qaba PTSD (Cudurka Walaaca Kacdoonka Ka Dib), khamriga, iwm. (eeg. Gordon, Early, iyo Cravens, 2022, Halyeyyadeenna: Guulaystayaashii, Guul-darraystayaashii, Saaxiibbada, iyo Cadawga Dhulka Cusub ee Arrimaha Halyeeyada. Durham, NC: Jaamacadda Duke Press.). Kuwa ugu wanagsan ee ka mid ah mujaahidiintani waxay u yimaadaan inay ogaadaan waxa ay iibsadeen oo ay abaabulaan si ay uga soo horjeedaan tan, ha ahaato waajibaad firfircoon ama, inta badan, ka dib marka ay soo baxaan. Tusaalaha ugu fiican ee tani waa VVAW, Vietnam Veterans Against the War, kaas oo wali ku hareeraysan, iyo warqada cajiibka ah Mujaahidka ayaa inoo sheegaysa sheekadeena: www.vvaw.org. (Qoraagani waa Sergeant hore oo ka tirsan ciidamada badda ee Maraykanka kaas oo "soo jeestay" isagoo ku guda jira waajibaad firfircoon, 1969-73; nasiib wanaag, weligay la iima dirin inaan ka dagaalamo Vietnam.)
[xi] Tani waxay ku salaysan tahay fikradda "hegemony," oo uu horumariyay aragtiyaha siyaasadeed ee Talyaani iyo dhaqdhaqaaqa Marxist Antonio Gramsci (1971, Xulashada buugaagta Xusuus-qorka Xabsiga ee Antonio Gramsci. Ed, waxaa qoray Quentin Hoare iyo Geoffrey Newell Smith. New York: daabacayaasha caalamiga ah) ee 1930-meeyadii. Hegemony waa qaab kontorool oo aad u nuanceed ka badan sida lagu soo jeediyay ereyga "xukun"; waxay aqoonsanaysaa iskahorimaadka bulshada, sidaas darteed waxay aqoonsanaysaa danaha iska soo horjeeda, waxayna tixraacaysaa fikradda ah in la sii wado xukunka kooxda xoogga badan iyada oo "oggolaanshaha" ka helayo kuwa uu dulmiyo. Asal ahaan, haybaddu waxay u baahan tahay kooxda talada haysa inay ku guulaysato oo kaliya in ku filan isku dhacyada si ay xukunka u ilaaliso, halka xukunku u baahan yahay inuu ku guuleysto tartan kasta; fikradda hegemony waxay ogolaataa dabacsanaan badan oo lagu xakameynayo dadaallada marka loo eego xukunka.
Waxaan rabaa inaan u mahadceliyo Kayla Vasilko, inta lagu guda jiro wada sheekeysiga shakhsi ahaaneed, si aan u dhiirigeliyo in aan ku daro arrimaha hegemony iyo ogolaanshaha falanqayntayda.
[xii] Tani maaha mid qiimo yar leh.
Hickel, iyo. al., waxay ku doodayaan in 2015, iyo iyadoo la isticmaalayo qiimaha suuqa ee jira, "shabakada waqooyi ee [caalami ah] lagala wareegay koonfurta 12 bilyan oo tan oo ah walxo cayriin ah oo u dhigma, 822 milyan hektar oo dhul ah, 21 exajoules oo tamar ah, iyo 188 milyan qof sanado ah oo shaqo qaabaysan, oo qiimahiisu yahay $10.8 tiriliyan qiimaha Waqooyiga-ku filan in la joojiyo faqriga ba'an 70 jeer. Mudadii oo dhan [1990-2015], qulqulka ka soo baxay koonfurta wuxuu gaadhay $242 trillion (oo joogto ah 2010 USD). Biyo-mareenkani waxa uu u taagan yahay dabaylo muhiim ah Waqooyiga caalamka, oo u dhiganta rubuc ka mid ah GDP-ga Woqooyi”Jason Hickel, Christian Dorninger, Hanspeter Wieland, iyo Intan Suwandi, 2022, "Qaybta Imperialist ee Dhaqaalaha Adduunka: Ka daadi Koonfurta Caalamiga ah iyada oo loo marayo Isweydaarsiga aan sinnayn, 1990-2015." Isbedelka Deegaanka Caalamiga ah, Vol. 73, 102467. On-line at https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S095937802200005X?via%3Dihub.
[xiii] Sida lagu sheegay maqaal hore: "Qodobkan waa laga doodi karaa, maaddaama badan oo Marxists ah ay leeyihiin faham ballaadhan oo ku saabsan Imperialism marka loo eego dhaqaalaha kaliya. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, aragti ahaan, qoraagani waxa uu ku doodayaa in habka Lenin uu yahay mid dhaqaale, oo ay tahay aasaas aragtiyeed oo halkan lagaga hadlayo. Si kale haddii loo dhigo, ficil ahaan, ra'yi-ururinta ma ahayn mid xaddidan, laakiin ku-dhaqanku wuu ka dheeraaday waxa aragtidu u ogolaato "(Qaybaha, 2010b: 277, fn. #4).
Fikradda Gramsci ee hegemony waxay fidisaa cilaaqaad awood leh oo ka baxsan dhaqaalaha Lenin oo kaliya, isaga oo diiradda saaraya arrinta xakamaynta bulshada, laakiin waxa la odhan karaa kama baxsana caqli-galka dhaqaale ee Lenin's imperialism.
[xiv] Si loo caddeeyo: inkasta oo aan ku tixraacno hababkan magac guud oo Imperialism ah, faahfaahintu way ku kala duwan yihiin dhulka. Haddaba, sida uu Ingiriisku ula dhaqmi jiray dalalkii uu gumaysan jiray, waxa uu kaga duwanaa Faransiiska, Holand, iyo Maraykan iwm; Isla markaa, si kastaba ha ahaatee, hababka xukunku way kala duwanaayeen guud ahaan gumeysiga ay gacanta ku hayaan isla waddan boqortooyo ah: sida Ingiriisku ula dhaqmo Hindiya way ka duwan tahay sida loola dhaqmo dhulalka Waqooyiga Ameerika iyo Nigeria.
[xv] Kacaankii Haitian ee 1791 oo ahaa tusaale muhiim ah, oo raad weyn ku leh taariikhda adduunka, inkasta oo marar dhif ah la aqoonsan yahay: wax kasta oo kale ka sokow, waxay caqabad ku tahay khuraafaadka sarreynta cad.
Haiti waxay afgambiyeen taliskii gumaystaha (Faransiiska), ka dibna waxay jabiyeen ciidankii Napoleon markii ay soo duuleen si ay u soo celiyaan xukunkii gumeysiga. Waxay jabiyeen ciidamadii Ingiriiska markii ay isku dayeen inay ka faa’iidaystaan fashilka Faransiiska. (Si aad u qeexdo erey-bixinta hadda laga soo bilaabo feerka, kuwani waxay ahaayeen lambarka 1 iyo lambarka 2 ee u tartamaya horyaalnimada miisaanka culus ee adduunka wakhtigaas). Eeg CLR James, 1963, The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture iyo Kacaanka Santo Domingo. New York: Vintage.
Taa baddalkeeda, tani waxay ahayd sababta asaasiga ah ee Napoleon uu u iibiyay "New France" ee Maraykanka 1803: iyada oo aan saldhigyo ciidan oo Haiti ah, ma uusan difaaci karin khadkiisa saadka ee New Orleans ee Galbeedka Atlantic iyo Caribbean ee maraakiibta Ingiriiska iyo Isbaanishka. , iyo "burcad-badeed" kala duwan. Faransiiska Cusub wuxuu ahaa mid aad u weyn - inta badan maanta qaaradaha Mareykanka ee galbeedka Wabiga Mississippi marka laga reebo koonfur-galbeed, oo markaas ay maamusho Spain. Iibinta Mareykanka ayaa sidoo kale meesha ka saartay dagaal suurtagal ah oo mustaqbalka lala galo Faransiiska, maadaama ay u badan tahay in "Mareykanku" ay rabaan inay sii wadaan "ballaarinta galbeedka."
Haiti waxay sidoo kale taageereen dadaallada Simon Bolivar ee ah inuu ku guuleysto xorriyadda waqooyiga Koonfurta Ameerika, waxayna gacan ka geysteen dhiirigelinta kacdoonka Nat Turner ee dawladaha addoonsiga ee Maraykanka.
Waxaan la yaabanahay sababta aan tan guud ahaan naloogu baran dugsiyada Maraykanka…?
[xvi] Cutubkan ka Qaybaha, 2018"Hadhka Qarniga Maraykanka: Kor u kaca iyo Hoos u dhaca Awoodda Caalamiga ah ee Maraykanka (Chicago: Buugaagta Haymarket, 2017): Qormo Dib u eegis.” Heerka, Jinsiyada iyo Awooda Shirkadda, Vol. 6, Iss. 1, Qodobka 7 (Abriil). On-line at https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol6/iss1/7], halkaas oo aan si weyn dib ugu eegay buugga McCoy 2017.
Inkasta oo uu isticmaalo ereyga "Military-Industrial Complex," waxaan aaminsanahay Gibbs' (2012) tilmaanta iyo falanqaynta waxay si habboon ugu habboon tahay "impire."
[xvii] Asalka Sharciga Amniga Qaranka ee 1947, iyo ururinta dukumentiyada la xidhiidha, eeg Rachel Santarsiero, Isku-duwaha iyo tafatiraha, 2022, "Xeerka Amniga Qaranka wuxuu noqonayaa 75." Kaydka Amniga Qaranka, Jaamacadda George Washington, Washington, DC. On-line at https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/intelligence/2022-07-26/national-security-act-turns-75.
[xviii] Wadamo yar - sida American Samoa iyo Puerto Rico (iyo laga yaabee kuwa kale) - ayaa wali ku sii jira gumeysi maanta. Dhowr waddan oo ku haray boqortooyo kasta waxay u badan tahay inaysan helin madax-bannaanidoodii siyaasadeed. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, guud ahaan, wadamadan waxaa loo aqoonsan karaa inay yihiin "gumeysi hore."
[xix] Waxaa jira suugaan qani ah oo ku saabsan xiriirka gumeysiga iyo necolonial ee Filibiin ee Mareykanka. Hal maqaal oo ka hadlaya xidhiidhka neocolonial si uu u qeexo xidhiidhkan, arag Kim Qaybaha (1999, "Dhibaatada Dhaqaalaha Caalamiga ah, Xalka Neoliberal, iyo Filibiin." Dib u eegista Bisha, Dib u eegis bishii, Vol. 51, No. 7, December. On-line at https://monthlyreview.org/1999/12/01/global-economic-crisis-neoliberal-solutions-and-the-philippines/. Si aad u hesho daraasado qoto dheer, arag Stephen Rosskamm Salaam, 1981, Maraykanka iyo Filibiin: Daraasad ku saabsan Necolonialism (Philadelphia: Machadka Daraasaadka Arrimaha Aadanaha, Inc.; Robin Ballaaran, 1988, Isbahaysiga aan sinnayn: Bangiga Adduunka, Sanduuqa Lacagta Adduunka, iyo Filibiin (Berkeley iyo Los Angeles: Jaamacadda California Press); James K. Boyce, 1993, Filibiin: Dhaqaalaha Siyaasadeed ee Kobaca iyo faqriga ee xilligii Marcos (Honolulu: Jaamacadda Hawaii Press); iyo Walden Bello, 2009, Dawladda Ka-hortagga Horumarka: Dhaqaalaha Siyaasadeed ee Xiisadaha Joogtada ah ee Filibiin (Manila: Daabacaadda Anvil).
Waxa jira waddamo ka baxay xidhiidhkii dhaqaale ahaan ku tiirsanaa ee ay la lahaayeen gumaystayaashii hore, oo noqday “gumaysiga ka dib,” oo lagu abaalmariyey cadawtinimada aan sii dhammaanayn ee Boqortooyadii Maraykanka, taas oo doonaysay inay ku ciqaabto xameetida iyo xameetida noocaas ah. wuxuu saaray cunaqabatayn dhaqaale iyo mid siyaasadeed oo culus; Cuba ka dib 1959 kacaankii Castro uu hogaaminayay, iyo Venezuela tan iyo doorashadii 1998 ee Hugo Chavez ayaa ah tusaalaha ugu muhiimsan. Laba tusaale oo hore, muddo dheer iyo taariikho kakan, waa Ruushka/Midowga Soofiyeeti iyo Shiinaha.
ZNetwork waxa lagu maalgeliyaa oo keliya deeqsinimada akhristeyaasheeda.
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