If we put aside diplomatic niceties and self-serving proclamations of an urgent need for peace and Israeli readiness to ‘make painful sacrifices’ to achieve it, ໄດ້ Annapolis conference in fact confirmed the logic of war. The current Israeli assault on and collective punishment of the Palestinians in Gaza ພິສູດມັນ.
Annapolis ຢືນຢັນເຫດຜົນຂອງສົງຄາມ ເພາະວ່າ ທ່າທີຂອງອາເມລິກາ ແລະ ອິດສະຣາແອນ ຊີ້ໃຫ້ເຫັນວ່າ ການເຈລະຈາໃດໆກໍຕາມທີ່ເກີດຂຶ້ນລະຫວ່າງ ອິດສະຣາແອນ ແລະ ປາແລັດສະໄຕນ. not be within the context of justice and law, but overshadowed by the realities of power produced by the Israeli war machine. The wrongdoer insists on imposing its terms on the victim as a condition of ‘peace.’ And ວໍຊິງຕັນ agrees; while those who represent the international community consensus on the conflict – such as the United Nations- are politely relegated to the insignificant status of observer. And ວໍຊິງຕັນ ເຫັນດີ ນຳ.
ໃນຄວາມເປັນຈິງ, at Annapolis, President Bush confirmed-in disregard of the principles of justice and international law- his support for the Israeli position on two of the principal substantive issues of the conflict. He repeated his support for the Israeli refusal to allow Palestinians expelled in 1948 to return to ອິດສະຣາເອນ- a gross injustice to the Palestinians. He also repeated assurances given earlier to the Israelis to support their demand to keep some of the Palestinian land they sized by force in 1967-a violation of the very ຄຳນຳຂອງມະຕິຂອງສະພາຄວາມໝັ້ນຄົງອົງການສະຫະປະຊາຊາດ ສະບັບທີ 242 ໄດ້ຢືນຢັນເຖິງຄວາມບໍ່ສາມາດເຂົ້າໄດ້ໃນກົດໝາຍການຢຶດເອົາດິນແດນດ້ວຍກຳລັງ.
Bush also sided with the Israelis on the question of settlements by only referring to the outposts as illegal, but not the settlements themselves-universally considered by the international community as illegal. In an advisory opinion in 2004 the International Court of Justice confirmed the illegality of the Israeli settlements in the occupied territories including ເຢຣູຊາເລັມຕາເວັນອອກ.
Strengthened by the knowledge that they have ວໍຊິງຕັນ’s support to impose their terms and create more facts on the ground, Israeli leaders announced-shortly after Annapolis-plans to construct more settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories.
ມັນແມ່ນຢູ່ໃນສະພາບການນີ້ຂອງຄວາມເປັນຈິງຂອງອໍານາດແລະຍຸດທະສາດຂອງ Israeli ທີ່ເຮັດໃຫ້ພວກເຂົາບໍ່ເອື້ອອໍານວຍຫຼາຍຕໍ່ຜູ້ຖືກເຄາະຮ້າຍທີ່ການໂຈມຕີທີ່ຜ່ານມາກ່ຽວກັບ Palestinians ຕ້ອງໄດ້ຮັບການເບິ່ງ.
The sealing off of Gaza and the cutting of power and petrol supplies have been condemned as likely to cause a humanitarian crisis and amounted to collective punishment of the civilian population-a clear violation of international law.
John Holmes, the UN undersecretary general for humanitarian affairs, described the Israeli action as "unacceptable" and "morally unjustifiable."
The European Union urged ອິດສະຣາເອນ not to impose "collective punishment" against the Palestinians population in Gaza.
ອົງການສິດທິມະນຸດອິດສະຣາແອນ B'Tselem ລາຍງານວ່າ ໃນປີ 2006 ແລະ 2007 ກອງທັບອິດສະຣາແອນ ໄດ້ສັງຫານຊາວປາແລັດສະໄຕ 816 ຄົນ ລວມທັງເດັກນ້ອຍ 152 ຄົນ ໃນນັ້ນ 48 ຄົນ ເປັນເດັກນ້ອຍທີ່ມີອາຍຸຕ່ຳກວ່າ 14 ປີ.
The head of the Israel Security Agency Yuval Diskin was quoted as telling the Israeli Cabinet that ອິດສະຣາເອນ had killed 1,000 terrorists in the Gaza Strip in the past two years-thus describing the victims including innocent civilians, women and children as terrorists.
As in the past when peace threatens, Israeli leaders escalate the violence either to show that all Palestinians are terrorists who cannot be trusted and therefore not ready for peace, or to try to liquidate Palestinian nationalism by force as was tried in ເລບານອນ ໃນ 1982.
The ferocity of the Israeli response to the actions of Hamas militantism and the collective punishment imposed on the 1.5 million Palestinians are not only grossly disproportionate responses, they are ineffective. And the Israelis know it.
ທ່ານ Matan Vilnai ຮອງລັດຖະມົນຕີກະຊວງປ້ອງກັນປະເທດ ກ່າວຕໍ່ວິທະຍຸອິດສະຣາແອນ ເມື່ອບໍ່ດົນມານີ້ວ່າ ທ່ານບໍ່ໄດ້ຄາດຫວັງວ່າການລົງໂທດຄັ້ງລ່າສຸດຈະຢຸດຍິງຈະຫຼວດອອກຈາກເຂດ Gaza Strip.
The Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported that defense officials believed that the Palestinian militants would intensify their attacks in response to the sanctions. Israeli actions, ເອກະສານລາຍງານ, is “a new form of escalation” to prepare the grounds for a major assault on Gaza. Defense Minister Barak is reported to have said a few weeks ago that ອິດສະຣາເອນ “is getting closer” to a major operation in Gaza. (ເດືອນມັງກອນ 20, 08)
ຍຸດທະສາດຂອງອິດສະຣາແອນເພື່ອໃຫ້ຂໍ້ຕົກລົງທີ່ເປັນໄປໄດ້ກັບປາແລັດສະໄຕນ໌ແມ່ນຈະແຈ້ງວ່າ: ຖ້າຫາກມີການຕົກລົງກັນ, ຕ້ອງສະທ້ອນເຖິງອຳນາດທີ່ສູງກວ່າຂອງຜູ້ພິຊິດ, ບໍ່ແມ່ນສິດອັນຊອບທຳຂອງຜູ້ຖືກເຄາະຮ້າຍ.
This reality is openly admitted and debated, framed differently to be sure but substantially unchanged.
ຕົວຢ່າງເຊັ່ນ, Israeli Prime Minister Olmert is reported to have sought additional support from President Bush during the latter’s recent visit to ອິດສະຣາເອນ. The Israelis want a free hand in the West Bank during negotiations with the Palestinians to maintain constant pressure on their interlocutors. They also want ວໍຊິງຕັນ’s support for the demilitarization of the future Palestinian state and for ອິດສະຣາເອນ’s right to monitor all border crossings. They also want Bush’s support for ອິດສະຣາເອນ’s right to redeploy its troops in the future Palestinian state should the Israelis decide that there was a threat of invasion.
In other words they want a Palestinian state that is a vassal reoccupied at a moment’s notice. Imagine if the Palestinians were to ask for reciprocity and insist on the same security guarantees; after all it is the Palestinians-whose lives are shattered by Israeli violence, dispossession and collective punishment-who have more to fear from the Israelis.
The helplessness of the Palestinian position was already evident at Annapolis. In the face of the latest Israeli assault all the Palestinian leaders could do was to appeal to the international community to help stop “"ການທຳລາຍຊີວິດແລະຊັບສິນຂອງປາແລັດສະໄຕນ໌ ແລະການສືບຕໍ່ນະໂຍບາຍອິດສະຣາແອນທີ່ທຳລາຍຂະບວນການສັນຕິພາບ."
ສາດສະດາຈານ Adel Safty ເປັນຜູ້ຂຽນຂອງ From Camp David to the Gulf, Montreal, ເມືອງນິວຢອກ. ປື້ມຫລ້າສຸດຂອງລາວ, ຄວາມເປັນຜູ້ນໍາ ແລະປະຊາທິປະໄຕແມ່ນຈັດພິມໂດຍ IPSL Press, ເມືອງນິວຢອກ. 2004.
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