Idan akwai wata da'awar ƙarya guda ɗaya ga gwagwarmayar "marasa tashin hankali" da ta fi ƙarfin tunanin duniya, ita ce da'awar cewa Indiya, ƙarƙashin jagorancin Gandhi, ta ci nasara da mulkin Birtaniya mai girma kuma ta sami 'yancin kai ta hanyar rashin tashin hankali.
Gwagwarmayar 'yancin kai na Indiya tsari ne mai cike da tashin hankali. An sanya tatsuniya mara tashin hankali daga baya. Lokaci ya yi da za a koma ga gaskiya. Yin amfani da ayyuka na baya-bayan nan kan rawar tashin hankali a cikin gwagwarmayar ƴancin Indiya, yana yiwuwa a ƙirƙira tarihin gwagwarmayar 'yancin kai wanda gwagwarmayar makamai ta taka muhimmiyar rawa. Wasu daga cikin waɗannan kafofin: Palagummi Sainath's Jarumai Na Karshe, Kama Maclean Tarihin Juyin Juyi na Interwar Indiya, Durba Ghosh's 'Yan Ta'adda Masu Hankali, Pramod Kapoor 1946 Royal Navy Navy Mutiny: Yaƙin Ƙarshe na Independence, Littafin editan Vijay Prashad, Rikicin 1921 a Malabar, da Anita Anand's An kashe Mara lafiya.
Rashin tashin hankali ba zai taba yin galaba a kan mulkin mallaka wanda ya ci nasara a cikin nahiyoyin duniya ta hanyar tashe-tashen hankula da ba za a iya misaltuwa ba. Kamfanin British East India Company ya mamaye Indiya mataki-mataki a cikin jerin yake-yake. Yayin da Kamfanin British East India Company ya hade a cikin 1599, igiyar ruwa ta juya zuwa ga 'yancin kai na Indiya a 1757 a yakin Plassey. Ƙarni na keta dokar kamfani ya biyo baya-an rufe shi a littafin William Dalrymple Rashin Mulki- tare da manufofin Kamfani da tilasta yunwa ta kashe miliyoyin mutane.
A cikin 1857, sojojin Indiya da ke aiki da Kamfanin sun tashi tare da wasu 'yan tsirarun sarakunan Indiya masu zaman kansu waɗanda ba a kori su ba - don ƙoƙarin korar Birtaniya. A cikin martani, Birtaniya sun kashe kididdigar (da Amaresh Mishra, a cikin littafin Yakin Wayewa) mutane miliyan 10.
Gwamnatin Burtaniya ta karbi mulki daga Kamfanin kuma ta ci gaba da mulkin Indiya kai tsaye na wasu shekaru 90.
Daga 1757 zuwa 1947, baya ga miliyan goma da aka kashe a yakin 1857 kadai, an kashe wasu fiye da miliyan 30 a cikin yunwar da ta tilastawa, bisa ga alkalumman da dan siyasar Indiya Shashi Tharoor ya gabatar a cikin littafin 2016. Ingantaccen Masarauta: Abin da Baturen Ingila ya yi a Indiya.
Nazarin 2022 An kiyasta mutuwar fiye da miliyan 100 a Indiya saboda mulkin mallaka na Birtaniya daga 1880 zuwa 1920 kadai. Likitoci kamar yadda Mubin Syed yayi imani cewa wadannan yunwa sun yi yawa kuma a cikin dogon lokaci da suka yi ta matsa lamba a kan kwayoyin halittar mutanen Kudancin Asiya, suna kara hadarin kamuwa da ciwon sukari, cututtukan zuciya, da sauran cututtuka da ke tasowa lokacin da yawan adadin kuzari saboda jikin Kudancin Asiya. sun zama sun saba da yunwa.
A ƙarshe, gwagwarmayar samun 'yancin kai da Birtaniya ta haɗa da dukkanin hanyoyin da ake da su na gwagwarmayar makamai: ƙungiyoyin asiri, azabtar da masu haɗin gwiwa, kisan kai, zagon kasa, hare-haren ofisoshin 'yan sanda, kisan gilla da sojoji, har ma da bunkasa yankuna masu cin gashin kansu da kuma gwamnati mai kama da juna. na'ura.
Tarihi na Gwagwarmaya ta 'Yancin kai ta Indiya
A cikin labarinsa na 2006, "India, Armed Struggle in the Independence Movement," masanin Kunal Chattopadhyay ya karya gwagwarmayar zuwa jerin matakai:
1905-1911: Ta'addancin juyin juya hali. Wani lokaci na "ta'addancin juyin juya hali" ya fara da kisan wani jami'in Birtaniya na fadar shugaban kasar Bombay a 1897 da Damodar da Balkrishna Chapekar suka yi, wadanda aka rataye su. Daga 1905 zuwa 1907, mayaƙan 'yancin kai (wanda ake kira "'yan ta'adda" da Birtaniya) suka kai hari a ofisoshin tikitin jirgin kasa, ofisoshin gidan waya, da bankuna, kuma sun jefa bama-bamai, duk don yakar yankin Bengal a 1905. A 1908, Khudiram Bose ya kashe 'yan mulkin mallaka na "ta'addanci."
Wadannan "'yan ta'adda" na Bengal sun kasance abin damuwa ga Birtaniya. A shekara ta 1911, turawan ingila sun soke rabon Bengal, inda suka kawar da babban korafin yan ta'adda. Sun kuma zartas da dokar kabilan laifuka, tare da haɗa damuwarsu game da ci gaba da mulkinsu da damuwar kabilanci. An nakalto Sakataren Cikin Gida na Gwamnatin Indiya a cikin littafin Durba Ghosh 'Yan Ta'adda Masu Hankali:
"Akwai babban haɗari, sai dai idan ba a bincika motsi a Bengal ba, cewa 'yan siyasa da ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun larduna na iya haɗa hannu da kuma cewa mummunan misalin da waɗannan mutanen suka kafa a lardin da ba sa yaƙi kamar Bengal na iya, idan ya ci gaba, zai haifar da hakan. kwaikwayi a lardunan da ke fama da tseren fada inda sakamakon zai fi zama bala'i."
Ghosh ya fayyace wasu ƙarin waɗannan lamuran:
"A Bengal, shari'ar Alipore Conspiracy Case, Midnapore Conspiracy Case, Howrah Gang Case, da sauran shari'ar makirci sun baiwa gwamnati damar tsare wadanda ke da hannu da kungiyoyin siyasa na sirri da na karkashin kasa. Dogaro da wani yanki na dokar tsaro na ƙarni wanda ya haɗa da Dokar III ta 1818, gwamnati ta kuma zartar da Dokar Canjin Dokar Laifukan Indiya ta 1908 da Dokar Tsaro ta Indiya a 1915 don kawo tashin hankalin siyasa a cikin jihar. "
Amma, kamar yadda Ghosh yayi gardama, martanin daular ba shine kawai don zartar da dokoki masu tsauri ba. Akasin haka, sun ba da rangwame-yawan rangwame-zuwa 'yancin kai da sauran buƙatun "'yan ta'adda," kuma sun yi ƙoƙarin ba da lada ga masu shiga tsakani "marasa tashin hankali" daga Majalisa. Bengal ya sake haduwa; Turawan Burtaniya sun kaura babban birninsu daga Calcutta zuwa Delhi domin gujewa ayyukan ta'addanci a lardin.
Gwagwarmayar Juyin Juyi 1914-1918: Da ƙarshen motsi na Swadeshi na 1905 zuwa 1907 ya fara abin da ake kira, a sauƙaƙe, "Ƙungiyar Ta'addanci" daga 1907 zuwa 1917. 'Yan ta'adda sun bude tare da kai hari kan Bengal Laftanar Gwamna Andrew Fraser a Midnapore a 1907. A lokacin WWI, Ghadar motsi ya yi ƙoƙari ya hambarar da mulkin Birtaniyya sau da yawa— tawaye (wanda ba a yi nasara ba) a cikin Fabrairu 1915 karkashin jagorancin Rash Behari Bose da wani hari (wanda ba a yi nasara ba) a Calcutta da aka shirya don Ranar Kirsimeti 1915. Masu juyin juya hali a Bengal sun kai hari a wuraren ajiyar makamai, sun sami taimakon soja daga Jamus, sun yi yaƙi. Yaƙin da aka yi da Birtaniya a watan Satumba na 1915 a Chasakhand, har ma ya yi aiki a duniya a wurare kamar Amurka da Japan. Shugabannin juyin juya hali Chittapriya Ray Chaudhuri da Jatindranath Mukherjee duk sun mutu a wannan yakin.
Martanin da Birtaniyya ta bayar ga ƙungiyoyin ta'addanci a cikin mallakarsu na mulkin mallaka shi ne zartar da dokokin lokacin yaƙi: Tsaron Dokar Mulki a Ireland, da Dokar Tsaron Indiya. Amma kuma don yin rangwame.
Canje-canje a cikin 1919: Kisan Amritsar na 1919 kisan kiyashi ne na daruruwan masu zanga-zangar da suka nuna rashin amincewa da bukatar Birtaniyya na tsawaita matakan yakin har abada ta hanyar dokar Rowlatt ta 1919. Bayan kashe-kashen, ’yan Burtaniya sun tsunduma cikin tashin hankali na kabilanci da wulakanci na al’ada, wanda hakan ya sa Indiyawan suka durkusa a kan tituna, alal misali. Bayan 1919, Gandhi kuma ya jagoranci yaƙin neman zaɓe, ƙungiyar rashin haɗin kai. Abin da ba a san shi ba, wanda Durba Ghosh ya rubuta, shi ne cewa ƙungiyar ta'addanci tana ci gaba da hulɗa da Gandhi da Nehrus (duka Motilal da Jawaharlal) a tsawon wannan lokacin. Birtaniyya ta zartar da dokar Rowlatt ta 1919 mai danniya, amma kuma ta zartar da dokar gwamnatin Indiya ta farko da Montagu Chelmsford Reforms, tare da yin alƙawarin mulkin kai a wani ɗan lokaci mai nisa.
Har ila yau, ku tuna cewa a shekara ta 1919 Birtaniya ma sun yi yaki da Afghanistan da bai yi nasara ba kuma suka mamaye sabuwar Tarayyar Soviet ba tare da nasara ba. Waɗannan rikice-rikicen tashin hankali, na soja sun kafa mahallin canje-canjen da aka tilasta wa masu mulkin mallaka su yi a Indiya.
Gwagwarmayar Juyin Juyi na Interwar
A cikin tarihin shekarun 1920, fuskar gwagwarmayar Indiya da ta fi fitowa fili ita ce gwagwarmayar rashin hadin kai ta Gandhi. Amma kuma an yi wani bore a Kudancin Indiya, a Malabar a shekarar 1921, wanda Turawan mulkin mallaka suka yi kokarin bi ta hanyar al’umma, suka kuma murkushe su da karfi.
Shekaru 1920 da 1930 lokaci ne na gwagwarmayar makami akai-akai. A cikin 1920s, Ƙungiyar Republican ta Hindustan ta shiga cikin "fashi na kishin kasa" kamar wanda aka yi a Kakori, bayan haka an rataye hudu daga cikin shugabannin kuma an yanke wa wasu uku hukuncin daurin rai da rai. A cikin 1929, Bhagat Singh da Batukeswar Dutt sun jefa bam a Majalisar Dokoki ta Tsakiya.
A cikin 1925 da 1930, Birtaniyya ta zartar da Ayyukan Gyaran Dokar Laifukan Bengal guda biyu. An fara aiwatar da gyaran na 1930 a ranar 25 ga Maris. A ranar 18 ga Afrilu, Sojojin Indiya na Republican tare da Surya Sen da 'yan ta'adda 60 sun jagoranci wani hari a kan Armory Chittagong:
“Harin wani hari ne da aka shirya tsaf, inda ‘yan juyin juya hali suka yi nasarar mamaye manyan wuraren mulkin mallaka, wadanda suka hada da kulab din Turai, dakin ajiye makamai na ‘yan sanda, da ofishin tarho da telegraph. Maharan sun katse duk wata hanyar sadarwa da jami'ai a wasu sassa na Indiya, sun tattara makamai, kuma suna fatan za su tsoratar da Burtaniya yayin da suke jin dadin ranar Juma'a da yamma a kulob dinsu."
Har ila yau, a cikin 1930, Odisha ya ga wani tashin hankali na kabilanci a kan Birtaniya, inda mazauna kauyen suka yi fafatawa da 'yan sanda - Sainath ya yi magana da wasu daga cikin tsoffin sojojin wannan tawaye a Jarumai na Karshe, Babi na 2.
A cikin 1931, Burtaniya ta rataye Bhagat Singh, Shivaram Rajguru, da Sukhdev Thapar. Sun kashe Chandra Sekhar Azad a wani wurin shakatawa a Allahabad. Sun zartar da dokar hana ta'addanci ta Bengal a 1932, amma ta'addanci ya ci gaba.
A cikin 1935, Birtaniyya ta yi babban rangwame, wata Dokar Gwamnatin Indiya, wacce ta faɗaɗa ikon amfani da ikon amfani da sunan kamfani kuma ta yi wa shugabannin Majalisar alkawari cewa za su zama masu mulki (a kan tsarin mulkin mallaka na Burtaniya). The abin da ya faru shi ne wadannan shugabannin Indiya za su murkushe 'yan ta'adda. Daga cikin makaman Birtaniyya akwai rashin tashin hankali, ciki har da ƙungiyoyin rashin biyayya. Shugabannin Majalisa sun san, duk da haka, cewa idan ba tare da ta'addanci ba, damar da suke da ita tare da Birtaniya ba zai zama sifili ba. Don haka sai suka yi wasan nasu, suna goyon bayan ’yan ta’adda a wasu lokuta, a bainar jama’a suna yin tir da su ga wasu, yayin da suke gudanar da bijirewa jama’a a cikin tsarin dokokin da suka shafi zaman gidan yari ga ‘yan wasan da ba sa tashin hankali da kisan gilla da Birtaniya da kuma rataya ga ’yan ta’addan da ba za su taka leda ba. wasan rashin biyayya. Gwagwarmayar tashin hankali ita ce farashin da "'yan ta'adda" suka biya don kada masu tayar da hankali su zauna a teburin don yin shawarwari da masu mulkin mallaka.
A Babi na 4 na Jarumai BatattuSainath ya yi magana da Shobharam Gaharwar mai yin bama-bamai, mai aiki a Rajasthan da sauran wurare a cikin 1930s da 1940s, wanda ya tabbatar da fa'idar yin bama-bamai a lokacin gwagwarmayar 'yancin kai:
“Muna cikin tsananin bukata a lokacin! Na je Karnataka. Zuwa Mysore, Bengaluru, kowane irin wurare. Dubi, Ajmer ta kasance fitacciyar cibiya ga ƙungiyoyin Quit India, don gwagwarmaya. Haka Benares [Varanasi] ya kasance. Akwai wasu wurare kamar Baroda a Gujarat da Damoh a cikin Madhya Pradesh. Jama'a sun kalli Ajmer, suna masu cewa yunkurin yana da karfi a wannan gari kuma za su bi sahun masu fafutukar 'yanci a nan. Tabbas, akwai wasu da yawa ma.
Bar Indiya 1942 da Rashi: Ma Jarumai Batattu, Sainath ya zanta da tsoffin mayakan gwagwarmaya a Punjab da kuma kudancin kasar a gwagwarmayar jama'ar Telangana, karkashin jagorancin Sundarayya. Wanda aka fi sani da Tashin Telangana na 1946, gwagwarmaya ce ta shekaru da yawa akan wani yanki mai girman gaske, kuma baya ga fadace-fadace da masu gidaje na feudal, 'yan sanda, da haya gondas, ya ruwaito:
"A tsawonsa, Veera Telangana Porattam ya bazu a kusan kauyuka 5,000. Ya shafi rayuka sama da miliyan uku a fadin fadin murabba'in kilomita 25,000. A kauyukan da ke karkashinsu, wannan yunkuri na jama'a ya kafa gwamnati mai kama da juna. Hakan ya hada da samar da kwamitocin gram swaraj ko kwamitocin kauyuka. Kusan kadada miliyan daya an sake rabawa talakawa. Yawancin tarihin hukuma sun nuna tashin hankalin da 'yan gurguzu ya jagoranta kamar yadda ya faru daga 1946-51. Amma tun daga ƙarshen 1943 an riga an fara tada jijiyar wuya da tawaye.
Wata jihar kudanci, Tamil Nadu, ita ce wurin da aka yi gagarumin gwagwarmayar yaki da ’yan ta’adda a daidai lokacin da yunkurin Quit India na 1942. Sainath ya yi magana da tsohon soja R. Nallakannu:
“Za mu yi yaƙi da su da dare, mu yi jifa da duwatsu—waɗannan su ne makaman da muke da su—muna fatattake su. Wani lokaci, za a yi fadace-fadace. Wannan ya faru sau da yawa a lokacin zanga-zangar da ta zo a cikin 1940s. Mu har yanzu maza ne, amma mun yi yaƙi. Ba dare ba rana, da irin makamanmu!”
A wani kauye a Odisha a cikin watan Agustan 1942, masu fafutuka sun mamaye kuma suka ayyana kansu a matsayin majistare, sun fara gudanar da adalci. An kama su da sauri, amma da zarar an kulle su nan da nan suka fara shirya fursunonin, kamar yadda suka gaya wa Sainath:
“Sun tura mu gidan yari saboda masu laifi. Mun yi amfani da shi sosai… A wancan zamanin, Turawan mulkin mallaka na kokarin daukar sojoji da za su mutu a yakin da suke da Jamus. Don haka sun yi alkawari ga waɗanda aka yanke wa hukuncin dauri a matsayin masu laifi. Sun yi alkawarin cewa duk wanda ya sanya hannu a yakin za a ba shi kudi 100. Kowanne danginsu zai sami rupees 500. Kuma za su sami 'yanci bayan yakin.
Mun yi yakin neman zabe tare da fursunoni masu laifi. Shin yana da daraja a mutu akan Rs 500 ga waɗannan mutane da yake-yaƙensu? Lalle ne kũ, haƙĩƙa, zã ku kasance daga farkon mãsu mutuwa, Muka ce musu. Ba ku da mahimmanci a gare su. Me ya sa za ku zama abincin gwangwaninsu?
Bayan ɗan lokaci, sai suka fara saurarenmu. Sun kasance suna kiran mu Gandhi, ko kuma kawai, Majalisa. Yawancinsu sun fita daga cikin makircin. Suka tayar, suka ƙi tafiya.”
A Yammacin Bengal, Bhabani Mahato ya shirya dabaru don mayaka na karkashin kasa a gwagwarmayar Quit India. Mai fafutuka Partha Sarati Mahato ta shaida wa Sainath yadda lamarin ya kasance:
Iyalai kaɗan ne kawai masu wadata a ƙauyen za su shirya abinci don duk da cewa yawancin masu fafutuka da ke ɓoye a can (a cikin dajin) sun kasance a ranar da aka ba su. Kuma matan da ke yin haka an bukaci su bar dafaffen abincin a kicin.
Basu san waye ya zo ya dauko abincin ba. Haka kuma ba su san ko wane ne daidaikun mutanen da suke dafawa ba. Juriya ba ta yi amfani da mutanen ƙauyen wajen yin jigilar kayayyaki ba. Bature yana da 'yan leƙen asiri da masu ba da labari a ƙauyen. Haka su ma ’yan feudal zamindar wadanda suka kasance abokan aikinsu. Waɗannan masu ba da labari za su gane mutanen gida suna ɗaukar kaya zuwa dajin. Hakan zai jefa mata da na karkashin kasa cikin hadari. Haka kuma ba za su iya samun wanda ya bayyana mutanen da suka aika—wataƙila da dare—don tattara abincin ba. Matan ba su ga wanda yake ɗaga abincin ba.
Ta wannan hanyar, an kiyaye su duka daga fallasa. Amma matan sun san abin da ke faruwa. Yawancin matan ƙauye suna taruwa kowace safiya a tafkuna da rafuka, tankuna-kuma waɗanda abin ya shafa sun yi musayar bayanai da gogewa. Sun san dalili da abin da suke yi don-amma ba musamman ga wane ba.
The Toofan Sena
A cikin 1943, Toofan Sena, reshen makamai na prati sarkar (ko gwamnatin wucin gadi) ta Satara, ta ayyana 'yancin kai daga turawan Ingila a jihar Maharashtra ta Indiya. Sainath ya bayyana isar wannan yanki mai cin gashin kansa:
"Tare da hedkwatarta a Kundal, prati sarkar - gamayyar manoma da ma'aikata - a zahiri tana aiki a matsayin gwamnati a kusan kauyuka 600 da ke karkashinta, inda ta hambarar da mulkin Burtaniya yadda ya kamata. Mahaifin Hausabai, fitacciyar jaruma Nana Patil, shi ne ya jagoranci prati sarkar. Dukansu sarkar da sena sun taso a matsayin ɓangarorin ɓacin rai na motsin Quit India na 1942.
Nana Patil, da wasu shugabanni, ciki har da Kyaftin Bhau, sun jagoranci wani gagarumin fashin jirgin kasa a ranar 7 ga Yuni, 1943. "Ba daidai ba ne a ce mun sace jirgin kasa," in ji kyaftin din Sainath. "Kudade ne da sarakunan Burtaniya suka sace daga mutanen Indiya muka dawo da su." Kyaftin Bhau ya kuma musanta ra'ayin cewa prati sarkar ya kasance "motsi na karkashin kasa."
''Me kike nufi da gwamnatin karkashin kasa?' yayi kuka Captain Bhau, ya fusata da amfani da kalmar. 'Mu ne gwamnati a nan. Raj ya kasa shiga. Hatta 'yan sanda sun ji tsoron Toofan Sena.'… Ya shirya samarwa da rarraba hatsi [abinci], kafa tsarin kasuwa mai daidaituwa, da gudanar da tsarin shari'a. Har ila yau, ta hukunta masu ba da rancen kuɗi, ƴan kasuwa, da masu haɗin gwiwar masu gida na Raj."
Wani memba na Toofan Sena sanar da Sainath yadda suka bi wajen hukunta masu ba da labari:
“Lokacin da muka gano daya daga cikin wadannan ‘yan sandan, mun kewaye gidansa da dare. Za mu tafi da mai ba da labari da wani abokinsa a wajen ƙauyen.
Za mu ɗaure ƙafafu na mai ba da labari bayan mun sanya sandar katako a tsakanin su. Daga nan sai aka daure shi, aka yi masa duka da sanduna a tafin kafarsa. Ba mu taba wani sashe na jikinsa ba. Kawai tafin hannu.' Babu alamun da ake gani a jiki daga ƙafafu zuwa sama. Amma 'ba ya iya tafiya kamar yadda aka saba na kwanaki da yawa'. Rashin hankali mai ƙarfi. Kuma haka ya zo sunan uba sarkar [bayanin kula: a cikin Marati, kalmar 'patri' tana nufin 'sandunan itace']. "Bayan haka sai mu dora shi a bayan abokinsa wanda zai kai shi gida."
Rundunar Sojojin Indiya
A cikin 1938, Majalisar Dokokin Indiya ta ga Subhas Chandra Bose ya zama shugaban kasa. Ya kasance sananne sosai, tare da tushen iko mai zaman kansa. Duk da yake yana girmama Gandhi, bai himmatu ga rashin tashin hankali ba. An kore shi daga jam’iyyar a shekarar 1939. A shekarar 1941, a lokacin yakin duniya na biyu, Bose ya kafa rundunar sojan kasa ta Indiya, da ke samun goyon bayan Imperial Japan, wanda burinsa shi ne ‘yantar da Indiya da karfi. A wannan shekarar ne aka tura Nehru zuwa gidan yari na Lucknow inda ya shafe lokaci tare da 'yan ta'adda da dama da ke daure a gidan yari. Lokacin da Gandhi's Quit India motsi ya murkushe a cikin 1942 a cikin watanni, Bose da INA suka yi yaƙi, kuma an kashe Bose a 1945.
An daure shi saboda aikin jarida, HS Doreswamy na Bengaluru ya bayyana haduwarsa da fursunonin Sojojin Indiya waɗanda kisan kiyashin da ya gani a 1943:
“Wata ɗaya, sa’ad da muke kurkuku a Bengaluru (1942-43), tsakar dare ne, aka kawo gungun waɗanda aka kama, suka shigo suna ta ihu, kuma mun ɗauka cewa sun fi mutanenmu. Amma ba su kasance ba. Sojojin Indiya ne. An gaya mana su jami'ai ne amma ba mu sani ba. Ba mu san matsayinsu ba.
Su goma sha hudu ne—daga jihohi daban-daban. Sun yanke shawarar barin sojojin Indiya na Biritaniya su shiga rundunar Netaji Bose ta Indiya (INA). Sun yi kokarin barin kasar. Kuma suna kan hanyarsu ta zuwa Burma [yanzu Myanmar] lokacin da aka kama su. Dukkansu goma sha hudu. An kai su Bengaluru kuma an kai su kotu. Kuma an yanke masa hukuncin kisa ta hanyar rataya.
Muka yi hulda da su. Suka rubuta, da jininsu, wasiƙa zuwa ga dukanmu. Ya ce, 'Mun yi farin ciki da cewa kun kasance 500 a nan. Wannan kasa, wannan Bharat Mata, tana bukatar jinin mutane da yawa. Mu kuma wani bangare ne na wannan kokarin. Mun kuma yi alkawarin ba da ranmu ga harkokin kasar nan.' Abin da suka rubuta ke nan… 'Mun ji cewa an jera dukkansu a jere an harbe su duka-dukansu-a lokaci guda… Sun sani. Cewa za su mutu. Amma sun kasance cikin fara'a. Shi ya sa suka ba mu wasiƙar da aka rubuta da jini zuwa gare mu duka.”
Lokacin da Birtaniya suka yi ƙoƙarin kashe jami'an INA don cin amanar kasa a alama ta Red Fort a Delhi, sun ƙare da tayar da hankali. A cikin 1946, an dakile wani Mutiny na Naval da ke Mumbai a kan babban farashi ga Burtaniya: Daularsu ta Indiya ta balle. A cikin littafinsa game da kisan gilla, Pramod Kapoor ya lura cewa yayin da ake kiran Quit India a 1942, Independence ya biyo baya da sauri bayan 1946 Naval Mutiny. Duban kididdigar da aka yi na nuna cewa tashe-tashen hankula ya fi yanke hukunci fiye da yakin neman zabe na kawo 'Yanci.
Nan da nan turawan ingila suka raba yankin, suka sanya gubar chalice, suka mika ta ga zababbun wakilan majalisar dokokin Indiya da suka zaba.
Kamar yadda HS Doreswamy ya ce: “Lokacin da ’yan Burtaniya suka bar kasar, sun yi hakan ne da dabaru guda uku. Na daya, don kafa Pakistan da Hindustan. Na biyu, don kiyaye jama'ar kasashen biyu a raba kan layin gamayya. Kuma uku: waɗannan jahohin sarakuna 562 - sun sami 'yancin shiga ko ficewa daga wannan Tarayyar Indiya. " Gwamnatin bayan samun ‘yancin kai ta ruguza makircin daular sarauta, amma makircin gamayya da shirin raba gari duk sun yi nasara. Haka kuma tallafin tatsuniyar cewa ‘yancin kai na Indiya ya samo asali daga jerin kamfen na rashin zaman lafiya, kuma ba irin tsarin gwagwarmayar ‘yantar da kasa da makamai da suka faru a Indiya ba kamar ko’ina a duniya da suka fuskanci irin wannan yanayi.
Illar da Tatsuniyar Rashin Tashin Hankali Ke haifarwa
Labarin rashin tashin hankali ya taimaka kiyaye feudalism. Kamar bautar da wariya a Amurka, an hambarar da mulkin mallaka a Indiya ta hanyar tashin hankali. Amma kuma kamar Amurka, tatsuniya na rashin tashin hankali ya yi illa ga siyasar Indiya. Magajin ruhaniya na Gandhi, Vinoba Bhave, ya zagaya ƙasar yana ƙoƙarin shawo kan masu mallakar ƙasa don gudanar da gyare-gyaren ƙasa na son rai (kwatanta wannan da sauye-sauyen ƙasa na tashin hankali da aka aiwatar a makwabciyar China, wanda aka bayyana a cikin labarin. Fanshen da William Hinton).
Vinoba Bhave's wani yaƙin neman zaɓe ne na sake fasalin ƙasa wanda ya kiyaye feudalism sosai a Indiya. Abin mamaki, Vinoba Bhave an san cewa ya yi wa masu filayen barazana da tashin hankali-A bayyane yake cewa ta hanyar ba da wasu filaye da son rai, masu mallakar filaye na iya ceton kansu daga juyin juya halin tashin hankali na gaba. Har ila yau, muna ganin shugabannin da ba sa tashin hankali suna sanya talakawa a matsayin mai addu’a, suna neman varna daga masu hannu da shuni bisa wani yuwuwar juyin juya hali mai nisa a maimakon yin aikin tsara talakawa don wannan juyin.
Labarin rashin tashin hankali ba ya haifar da al'ummomi marasa tashin hankali. Ɗaya daga cikin manyan gardama na rashin tashin hankali tun da aƙalla zuwa Gandhi shine cewa rashin tashin hankali yana haifar da kyakkyawan sakamako. Noam Chomsky ya sanya shi ta wannan hanyar Muhawarar 1967 da Hannah Arendt:
"Ni a ganina, daga dan abin da muka sani game da irin wadannan abubuwa, wata sabuwar al’umma ce ta tashi daga ayyukan da ake yi na kafa ta, kuma cibiyoyi da akidun da suke tasowa ba su kasance masu cin gashin kansu daga wadannan ayyukan ba; a haƙiƙa, launinsu ya yi yawa, suna siffata su ta hanyoyi da yawa. Kuma mutum yana iya tsammanin cewa ayyukan da suke da ban tsoro da rashin tausayi, ko wane irin niyyarsu, ba makawa za su daidaita da kuma lalata ingancin ƙarshen da aka cimma. Yanzu kuma, a wani bangare wannan batu ne na imani kawai. Amma ina tsammanin akwai aƙalla wasu shaidun da ke nuna kyakkyawan sakamako yana biyo baya ta hanya mafi kyau. "
Tun da muhawarar rashin tashin hankali na Gandhi ya dogara ne akan ra'ayin cewa ma'ana da ƙarewa ba za a iya raba su ba kuma zaɓin hanyoyin tashin hankali zai haifar da tashin hankali, ya kamata a bi cewa mahimmancin rashin tashin hankali a cikin gwagwarmayar 'yancin kai na Indiya ya haifar da Indiya ta zama kasa ta musamman marar tashin hankali. bayan samun 'yancin kai. Mawallafin kwaminisanci na Italiya Domenico Losurdo, a cikin littafinsa Rashin Tashin Hankali: Tarihi Bayan Tatsuniya, ya ba da amsar wannan: “[F] ar daga kasancewa ma’anar manufar rashin tashin hankali, Indiya a yau tana ɗaya daga cikin ƙasashe masu tashin hankali a duniya. Rikicin makami tsakanin mabiya addinai daban-daban da na kabilu ya zama ruwan dare; musamman kisan kiyashin da ake yi wa musulmi da kiristoci ya zama ruwan dare.”
Rashin rabuwar hanya da ƙarewa hujja ce da rashin tashin hankali. Rashin tashin hankali hanya ce da ta ƙunshi roƙon masu iko don neman izini da kiran su don yin tashin hankali ba tare da wani sakamako ga kansu ba: yana haifar da al'umma tare da manyan mutane waɗanda ke jin cikakken hukunci don yin mummunan tashin hankali yayin fuskantar abokan adawar da za su yi ƙoƙari, mafi munin, don narkewa. zukatansu ta wurin misalin wahala. Yana mai da azzalumai su zama mutane mafi muni, masu buguwa bisa mulki, ba su ji wani sakamako ba.
Decolonization wani tsari ne na tashin hankali, kuma Indiya ba ta da banbanci
Kamar yadda Losurdo ya fada a cikin littafinsa, rashin tashin hankali manufa ce da aka ɓullo da ita a cikin Burtaniya da Amurka don tabbatar da cewa juriya ga bautar ba zai yi tasiri ba-don kiyaye juriya ga ɗayan manyan cibiyoyi marasa ƙarfi da aka ƙirƙira a cikin iyakoki masu iya sarrafawa. Masu fafutuka na Kirista da Quakers sun haɓaka ta domin ba sa son shiga cikin tashin hankalin bauta. Kadan ne daga cikinsu suka motsa don yaƙar bauta da ƙarfi.
Maƙiyan Indiyawan Gandhi sun yi iƙirarin cewa waɗannan Kirista ne, tushen Anglo-Amurka waɗanda rashin tashin hankalin Gandhian ya samo asali, ba daga tunanin Hindu ba. ahimsa or satyagraha. A ƙarshe, mutanen Indiya ba su kasance kamar masu hikima na duniya ba. Sun yi abin da duk mutanen da aka yi wa mulkin mallaka suka yi: sun yi gwagwarmayar neman ‘yancin kai.
Tsare-tsare na tatsuniya na rashin tashin hankali, menene darussa na ainihin gwagwarmayar 'yancin kai na Indiya kuma ta yaya suka dace da fahimtarmu game da canjin zamantakewa? A bayyane yake cewa wasu gwagwarmaya-don ingantaccen albashi ko yanayin aiki, ingantattun ayyukan gundumomi, ko wasu gwagwarmaya don daidaito. cikin al'umma - ana iya ajiye shi a cikin jirgin da ba ya tashin hankali. Mulkin mallaka, wanda ya ginu bisa zalunci na kabilanci da wulakanta mutane, ba zai iya kasancewa ba, kuma Indiya ba ta kasance ba. Kamar mulkin mallaka da kansa, rashin samun mafita marar tashin hankali ga mulkin mallaka yana da ban tausayi, amma da zarar masu goyon bayan sauyin zamantakewa sun gane gaskiyar, mafi kyau.
Wannan labarin ya samo ta Tattalin Arziki Ga Duka, wani aiki na Cibiyar 'Yan Jarida mai zaman kanta.
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