Chomsky
duk da
Yunkurin yunƙurin da masu akida suke yi na tabbatar da cewa da'ira tana da fa'ida, akwai
ko shakka babu harin bama-bamai na kungiyar tsaro ta NATO na kara yin illa ga abin da ya rage
m tsarin dokokin kasa da kasa. Amurka ta bayyana hakan a cikin muhawarar
wanda ya kai ga matakin NATO. Wanda ya fi kusa da wanda ya yi karo da juna
yankin, wanda ya fi girma a gaba ɗaya shine adawar dagewar Washington
a kan karfi, har ma a cikin NATO (Girka da Italiya). Har ila yau, wannan ba sabon abu ba ne
al'amari: wani misali na baya-bayan nan shine harin bam na Amurka/Birtaniya a Iraki, wanda aka yi a ciki
Disamba 1998 tare da nuna rashin kunya na rashin kunya ga Tsaro
Majalisa-har ma da lokacin, daidai da zaman gaggawa don magance matsalar
rikicin. Har ila yau wani kwatanci shi ne yadda Clinton ta lalata rabin
samar da magunguna na wata karamar kasa ta Afirka watanni kadan baya. Yana
an kore shi a nan a matsayin abin sha'awa, ko da yake kwatankwacin lalata
Cibiyoyin Amurka na 'yan ta'adda na Islama na iya haifar da wani martani na daban.
Wataƙila wannan shine misalin irin "haɓaka ƙirƙira" wanda aka ba da shawara
US Strategic Command, 1995, yana nufin abin da "ke da daraja a cikin wani
al'ada," kamar makomar yaran da ke mutuwa daga cututtuka masu sauƙi.
Ya kamata
ba dole ba ne a jaddada cewa akwai wani rikodi mai fa'ida wanda zai kasance
wanda aka yi bitar sosai a yanzu idan an yi la'akari da hujjoji masu dacewa don tantancewa
da "al'ada da aiki" da ake kira da a ba da mafi yawa
wayar da kan 'yancin "yin abin da ya ga dama" da karfi.
Zai iya zama
gardamar, maimakon a bayyane, cewa ƙarin rushe ƙa'idodin tsarin duniya shine
a yanzu ba shi da wani mahimmanci, kamar a ƙarshen 1930s. Rashin raini na duniya
Jagoran iko don tsarin tsarin duniya ya zama matsananci cewa akwai
ya rage kadan don tattaunawa. Bita na rikodin bayanan ciki
yana nuna cewa matsayin ya samo asali ne tun farkon kwanaki, har ma da farko
takardar sabuwar majalisar tsaro ta kasa da aka kafa a shekarar 1947. A lokacin
Kennedy shekaru, matsayi ya fara samun bayyanannen magana, kamar, misali, lokacin
fitaccen dan siyasa kuma mashawarcin Kennedy Dean Acheson ya ba da hujjar toshewar
Cuba a cikin 1962 ta hanyar sanar da Ƙungiyar Amurka ta Dokokin Duniya cewa
"daidaitacce" na martanin Amurka ga "kalubalen…[ga]…masu iko,
matsayi, da martabar Amurka… ba batun shari'a ba ne." "The
ainihin dalilin magana game da dokokin duniya shine, ga Acheson, kawai 'zuwa
gyaggyara matsayinmu da ɗabi'ar da aka samo daga ƙa'idodin ɗabi'a na gaba ɗaya
waɗanda suka shafi koyarwar shari’a’”—idan ya dace.
babban
Ƙirƙirar shekarun Reagan-Clinton shine rashin bin dokokin duniya da
wajibai masu tsattsauran ra'ayi sun zama gaba ɗaya a buɗe, har ma da yabo a yammacin yamma kamar yadda
"sabon al'amuran duniya" wanda ke shelanta sabon zamani mai ban mamaki, na musamman a cikin ɗan adam
tarihi. Ba abin mamaki ba, abubuwan da suka faru ana fahimtar su daban a ciki
yankunan gargajiya na jihohin wayewa; kuma saboda dalilai daban-daban.
sun damu har ma da wasu manazarta manufofin shahohi.
Endarshen Ubangiji
Cold War ya ba da damar ƙetare har ma da cynicism na Acheson. Baka ga duniya
tsari bai zama dole ba, har ma a raina shi, kamar yadda jahohi masu wayewa suke yi
don Allah ba tare da damuwa don hana ko ra'ayin duniya ba. Gudanar da koyarwa
ya isa "mu yi wa matsayinmu kwalliya da ɗabi'a da aka samo daga ɗabi'a na gaba ɗaya
ka'idoji," kamar yadda abubuwan da suka faru a baya-bayan nan suka nuna tare da tsabta sosai. "Sabuwa amma
ingantacciyar tsawaita dokar kasa da kasa" (Mark Weller) za a iya ƙirƙira a
so ta masu iko, don biyan bukatunsu na musamman: “an Adam
shiga tsakani" ta hanyar bama-bamai a Kosovo, amma ba a janye babban kwararar masu mutuwa ba
makamai don cancantar kawar da kabilanci da ta'addanci a cikin NATO, don ambaci kawai
mafi ban mamaki misali. Tare da "ra'ayoyin da ba a so su yi shiru da rashin jin daɗi
abubuwan sun kasance duhu" a cikin salon da Orwell ya bayyana a cikin (shiru)
lura a kan al'ummomin 'yanci, duk ya kamata a ci gaba da tafiya lafiya. Komai
ya faru shine "alama a cikin dangantakar kasa da kasa" kamar yadda "hasken".
Jihohi, karkashin jagorancin "Sabuwar Duniya mai kyakkyawar manufa don kawo karshen rashin mutuntaka,"
ci gaba da yin amfani da ƙarfin soja inda suka "gaskanta cewa ya zama daidai" - ko a matsayin
wasu suna gani, don tsara "dokokin wasan" wanda ya ba su "dama
su shiga tsakani da karfi don tilasta abin da suke ganin ya dace,” ko da yaushe
"mai lullube cikin adalci na ɗabi'a," "kamar yadda a zamanin mulkin mallaka."
daga
hangen nesa na masu wayewa, bambancin tawili yana nuna
rarrabuwar kaifi da ke raba “duniya ta yau da kullun” da ta baya
mutanen da ba su da "ma'anar juriya na yammacin Turai" kuma ba su ci nasara ba tukuna
"karfin ɗan adam na mugunta," ga mamaki da damuwa na
duniya wayewa.
A cikin wannan mahallin,
ba abin mamaki bane cewa "dokar kasa da kasa a yau ba ta da kyau sosai
a cikin kasarmu fiye da kowane lokaci" tun lokacin da aka kafa Amurka
Society of International Law a 1908. Ko kuma cewa editan na manyan
ƙwararriyar mujallar dokokin ƙasa da ƙasa yakamata ta yi gargaɗi game da "mai ban tsoro
exacerbation" na Washington ta watsi da wajibai na yarjejeniya.
Mai rinjaye
An kwatanta hali ga cibiyoyin tsarin duniya ta wata hanya dabam
Lokacin da Yugoslavia ta gabatar da tuhumar kasashen NATO a Kotun Duniya.
yin kira ga Yarjejeniyar kisan kiyashi. Kotun ta tabbatar da cewa ba ta da
hukunce-hukuncen shari'a, yayin da suke riƙe da cewa "Duk bangarorin dole ne su yi aiki daidai da
wajibcin su a ƙarƙashin Yarjejeniya ta Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya," wanda ya hana a fili
bama-bamai — "harshen lullube da ke cewa harin bam yana karya kasa da kasa
dokokin," da New York Times ya ruwaito. Sha'awa ta musamman ita ce
mika wuya ga gwamnatin Amurka, wanda ya gabatar da hujjar doka ta iska,
Kotun ta yarda da cewa ayyukanta ba su kasance ƙarƙashin ikon Kotun ba.
Lallai Amurka ta amince da Yarjejeniyar kisan kiyashi, bayan dogon jinkiri.
amma tare da ajiyar cewa " takamaiman izinin Amurka shine
da ake bukata" idan aka tuhume shi da ita; kuma Amurka ta ki
ba da "takamaiman yarda" wanda ajiyar ya ƙunsa. Kotun ta yanke hukunci
na bukatar bangarorin biyu su amince da hurumin sa, Lauyan John Crook ya tunatar
Kotun, da amincewar Amurka na Yarjejeniyar ya kasance sharadi
rashin dacewa ga Amurka.
Ana iya ƙarawa
cewa ajiyar ya fi gaba ɗaya. Amurka ta amince da yarjejeniyoyin ba da dama
game da haƙƙin ɗan adam da abubuwan da suka shafi, kuma waɗannan kaɗan suna da sharadi
ajiyar abubuwan da ke sa su (ya kamata) ba za su iya amfani da su ga Amurka ba.
Bayanin
da aka bayar don kin amincewa da wajibai na duniya suna da ban sha'awa, kuma zai kasance
a shafuffuka na gaba, kuma fitattu a cikin manhajar karatu na makaranta da jami’a, idan
gaskiya da sakamakon dan Adam an dauki muhimman dabi'u.
Mafi girma
hukumomi sun bayyana karara cewa dokokin kasa da kasa da hukumomi sun zama
ba su da mahimmanci saboda sun daina bin umarnin Washington, kamar yadda suka yi a ciki
farkon shekarun baya-bayan nan, lokacin da ikon Amurka ya yi yawa. Lokacin da Kotun Duniya
yana la'akari da abin da daga baya ya yi Allah wadai da shi a matsayin "amfani da haramtacciyar hanyar da Washington ta yi
karfi" a kan Nicaragua, Sakataren Gwamnati George Shultz - wanda aka girmama a matsayin
Mista Clean of the Reagan gwamnatin - ya raina waɗanda ke ba da shawarar "utopian,
hanyoyin doka kamar sasanci na waje, Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, da Duniya
Kotu, yayin da aka yi watsi da sashin wutar lantarki na lissafin." Bayyana kuma
kai tsaye, kuma ba ta wata hanya ta asali. Mai ba da shawara kan harkokin shari'a na Ma'aikatar Jiha Abraham
Sofaer ya yi bayanin cewa mambobin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ba za su iya "ba za a iya raba su ba
ra'ayinmu," kuma "mafi rinjaye sau da yawa suna adawa da Amurka akan mahimmanci
tambayoyi na kasa da kasa," don haka dole ne mu "kiyaye wa kanmu ikon yin hakan
ƙayyade" yadda za mu yi aiki da kuma waɗanne al'amura sun faɗi "mahimmanci a cikin
ikon cikin gida na Amurka, kamar yadda Amurka ta ƙaddara
Jihohi"-a wannan yanayin, "amfani da karfi ba bisa ka'ida ba" a Washington
Nicaragua.
Duk yana da yawa
da kyau a yi magana a taƙaice game da "ƙaddamar da sabbin abubuwa amma mai ma'ana
dokokin kasa da kasa" wanda ke haifar da haƙƙin "shigin ɗan adam," ko
don baiwa jahohin wayewa hakkin amfani da karfin soji a inda suke
"ki yarda da adalci." Amma kuma ya kamata a gane cewa, da wuya ta
hatsari, jahohin da suka cancanta kamar yadda wayewa suka zama wadancan
wanda zai iya yin yadda suka ga dama. Kuma cewa a cikin duniyar gaske, akwai zaɓuɓɓuka biyu:
(1) Wasu nau'ikan tsarin tsarin duniya, watakila Yarjejeniya ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, da
Kotun Duniya ta Duniya, da sauran cibiyoyi da ake da su, ko watakila
wani abu mafi kyau idan za a iya ƙirƙira shi kuma a yarda da shi sosai; (2)Masu karfi suna aikatawa
kamar yadda suke so, suna sa ran samun yabo da ya dace
iko.
Abstract
Tattaunawa na iya zaɓar yin la'akari da wasu yuwuwar duniyoyin, watakila batun da ya dace da shi
karatun digiri a cikin falsafar. Amma a halin yanzu, aƙalla, zaɓi ne
(1) da (2) da ke nuna ainihin duniyar da ke cikin tsai da shawarwarin da suka shafi ’yan Adam
dole ne a yi al'amura.
Gaskiyar cewa
Zaɓuɓɓukan aiki sun ragu zuwa (1) kuma (2) an gane su shekaru 50 da suka gabata ta Duniya
Kotu: "Kotu za ta iya daukar hakkin sa baki ne kawai a matsayin
bayyanar da manufofin karfi, irin su, a baya, ya haifar da mafi yawa
munanan cin zarafi da irin waɗanda ba za su iya ba, ko wace irin lahani ne a ƙasashen duniya
kungiya, sami wuri a cikin dokokin duniya…; daga dabi'ar abubuwa,
[Intervention] za a keɓe shi don mafi ƙarfi jihohi, kuma mai yiwuwa cikin sauƙi
kai ga karkatar da shari’ar da kanta”.
Mutum zai iya ɗaukar da
matsayin "rashin sani na ganganci" da watsi da "al'ada da aiki," ko
kore su a kan wasu dalilai marasa ma'ana ("canji ba shakka," "Yaƙin Cold," da
sauran sanannun pretexts). Ko kuma za mu iya ɗaukar al'ada, aiki, da koyaswar bayyane
da gaske, tare da ainihin tarihin "shigin ɗan adam,"
tashi daga ka'idoji masu daraja amma aƙalla buɗe yiwuwar samun
wasu fahimtar abubuwan da ke faruwa a duniya.
A ina ne haka
bar takamaiman tambaya game da abin da ya kamata a yi a Kosovo? Yana fita
bai amsa ba. Ba za a iya tsinkayar amsar ba kawai daga ƙa'idar da ba za ta yiwu ba,
har yanzu ƙasa da bege na taƙawa, amma yana buƙatar kulawa da hankali ga yanayin
na hakikanin duniya.
A m
hukunci, ina tsammanin, shine Amurka ta zaɓi hanyar aiwatar da—kamar
wanda ake tsammani-zai haifar da tashin hankali da tashin hankali; wanda ya sake bugi wani
busa a kan tsarin mulkin kasa da kasa, wanda ke ba da rauni a kalla
wasu ƙayyadaddun kariya daga jihohi masu farauta; wanda ke kawo cikas ga dimokradiyya
abubuwan da ke faruwa a cikin Yugoslavia, watakila Macedonia; kuma hakan yana komawa baya
da fatan kwance damara da wasu sarrafa makaman nukiliya da sauran su
makamai na hallaka jama'a, hakika na iya barin wasu "babu zabi" sai dai su
"ku sami makaman kare dangi" don kare kai. Na uku a hankali
yiwu zažužžukan, ya zaɓi (I) "yi aiki don ƙara bala'i," ƙin yarda
madadin: (II) "kada ku yi kome," (III) "kokarin rage yawan
bala'i." Shin zaɓi (III) gaskiya ne? Mutum ba zai iya sani ba, amma akwai
alamomin cewa kila ya kasance.
Ga Kosovo, daya
abin lura tun farko shi ne “duk wani bam da ya fado a kai
Sabiya da duk wani kisan kabilanci a Kosovo na nuna cewa da kyar za a yi hakan
zai yiwu Sabiyawa da Albaniya su zauna tare da juna a wani irin yanayi
lafiya"(Financial Times, Maris 27) Sauran yiwuwar sakamako na dogon lokaci
ba su da daɗi don tunani. A mafi kyau, NATO ta nan take cibiyar ta
sigar sasantawar hukuma ta bar "matsaloli masu ban mamaki" su kasance
magance, mafi gaggawa wadanda suke "sakamakon" tashin bam, kamar yadda
yarda.
A misali
hujja ita ce, dole ne mu yi wani abu: ba za mu iya tsayawa kawai ba
an ci gaba da ta'asa. Babu wata hanyar da za ta bi don tilastawa, Tony
Blair ya bayyana, tare da shugabanni da yawa suna nuna rashin amincewa: "kada a yi komai
da an yarda da zaluncin Milosevic." Idan zaɓi (III)
("Rage bala'i") an cire shi, kamar yadda aka zaci a hankali, kuma muna
bar kawai tare da (I) ("karu da bala'i") ko (II) ("kada ku yi kome"),
to dole ne mu zabi (I). Cewa har za a iya bayyana hujjar abin girmamawa ne
da ficewar magoya bayan harin bam. A ce ka ga laifi a cikin
tituna, da jin cewa ba za ku iya tsayawa shiru kawai ba, don haka ku ɗauki wani
bindiga da kashe duk wanda ke da hannu a ciki: mai laifi, wanda aka azabtar, wanda ke tsaye. Ashe mu
don fahimtar hakan don zama martani na hankali da ɗabi'a, daidai da
Ka'idodin Blair?
Zaɓi ɗaya,
koyaushe akwai, shine bin ka'idar Hippocratic: "Na farko, kada ku
cutarwa." Idan ba za ku iya tunanin wata hanyar da za ku bi wannan ƙa'idar farko ba, to
kada ku yi kome; aƙalla abin da ya fi dacewa ya haifar da cutarwa-sakamako
an gane a gaba don zama "mai iya tsinkaya" a cikin lamarin Kosovo, a
Hasashen ya cika sosai. Yana iya zama wani lokacin gaskiya cewa neman
hanyoyin zaman lafiya ya ƙare, kuma babu “mafiyin” yin hakan
ba komai ko haifar da babbar illa. Idan haka ne, duk wanda ke da ko da ƙaramar da'awar zama a
Wakilin halin kirki zai bi ka'idar Hippocratic. Cewa babu wani abu mai gina jiki
za a iya yi dole ne, duk da haka, a nuna. A game da Kosovo, diflomasiyya
zaɓuɓɓukan sun bayyana a buɗe suke, kuma wataƙila sun kasance masu fa'ida kuma kamar yadda suke zuwa
a yarda, ya yi latti.
Hakkin
"Shigar dan Adam" ana iya yin ta akai-akai a ciki
shekaru masu zuwa-watakila tare da gaskatawa, watakila ba-yanzu cewa tsarin
deterrence ya ruguje (ba da damar ƙarin 'yancin yin aiki) da ƙididdiga na Yaƙin Cold
sun rasa ingancin su (yana buƙatar sababbi). A irin wannan zamanin, yana iya zama
wanda ya dace a kula da ra'ayoyin masu sharhi da ake mutuntawa sosai-ba
manta da Kotun Duniya, wacce ta yanke hukunci a kan batun shiga tsakani da
"Taimakon jin kai" a cikin shawarar da Amurka ta yi watsi da shi, ta
Ba a ma bayar da rahoton muhimman abubuwan ba.
A cikin ilimi
fannonin harkokin kasa da kasa da dokokin kasa da kasa zai yi wahala
sami karin muryoyin girmamawa fiye da Hedley Bull ko Louis Henkin. Bull gargadi 15
shekaru da suka wuce cewa “Musamman jihohi ko kungiyoyin jihohin da suka kafa kansu
a matsayin alkalai masu iko na duniya baki daya, ba tare da la’akari da ra’ayoyi ba
na wasu, a haƙiƙa, barazana ce ga tsarin ƙasa da ƙasa, don haka ga tasiri
aiki a wannan fagen." Henkin, a cikin daidaitaccen aiki akan tsarin duniya, ya rubuta cewa
"Matsalolin da ke lalata haramcin amfani da karfi abu ne mai ban tausayi, kuma
hujjojin halatta amfani da karfi a cikin wadannan yanayi su ne
m kuma mai haɗari… Hatta 'shigin ɗan adam' na iya kuma
a shirye a yi amfani da shi azaman lokaci ko dalili don zalunci. Cin zarafin mutane
haƙƙi haƙƙi sun yi yawa, kuma idan ya halatta a gyara su da su
amfani da karfi daga waje, babu wata doka da za ta hana amfani da karfi ta hanyar
kusan kowace jiha da kusan kowace jiha. Haƙƙin ɗan adam, na yi imani, dole ne
a kuɓutar da sauran zalunci, ta hanyar wasu hanyoyin zaman lafiya, ba ta hanyar ba
bude kofa ga zalunci da lalata babban ci gaba a ciki
dokokin kasa da kasa, haramta yaki da kuma haramcin karfi”.
Wadannan su ne
tunani wanda bai kamata a yi watsi da su ba. Ka'idodin da aka gane na
dokokin duniya da tsarin duniya, wajibcin yarjejeniya, yanke shawara ta Duniya
Kotun, wanda aka yi la'akari da furci daga masu sharhi masu daraja - waɗannan ba sa
ta atomatik ba da ƙa'idodi na gaba ɗaya ko mafita ga takamaiman matsaloli. Kowanne
dole ne a yi la'akari da cancantarsa. Ga wadanda ba su rungumi ka'idojin
Saddam Hussein, akwai nauyi mai nauyi na hujja don saduwa a cikin aiwatar da aikin
barazana ko amfani da karfi.
Zai yiwu
Ana iya ɗaukar nauyi, amma dole ne a nuna hakan, ba kawai a yi shela ba. The
Dole ne a tantance sakamakon a hankali-musamman, abin da muke ɗauka ya zama
"mai iya tsinkaya." Har ila yau, dole ne a tantance dalilan ayyukan-kan
dalilai masu ma'ana, tare da kula da gaskiyar tarihi da kuma rikodin bayanan,
ba wai kawai don yabon shugabanninmu da "ka'idoji da dabi'u" ba.
masu sha'awa suka dangana musu.
Z
An cire
daga Chomsky's Sabon Dan Adam na Soja (Jajircewa na gama gari, 1999)