Neoliberalism ya yi mulki mafi girma a matsayin falsafar tattalin arziki kusan rabin karni. Amma manufofin neman sassaucin ra'ayi sun haifar da barna a duniya, tare da mayar da mafi yawan nasarorin da aka samu a karkashin tsarin jari hujja bayan karshen yakin duniya na biyu. Neoliberalism yana aiki ne kawai ga masu arziki da manyan kamfanoni. Amma gazawar neman sassaucin ra'ayi ya wuce tattalin arziki. Sun bazu cikin harkokin siyasa yayin da hanyoyin rugujewar al'umma ke kawo cikas ga wasa tare da alkawuran komawa ga daukakar da ta rasa. Wannan shi ne tushen tushen ƙungiyoyin nefascist da jam'iyyu a duniyar yau, kuma neoliberalism ne ya haifar da yanayin sake farfadowar masu tsattsauran ra'ayi na dama, kamar yadda Noam Chomsky ya bayyana a cikin tattaunawa ta musamman da ke ƙasa. Truthout. A halin yanzu, zanga-zangar ta zama ruwan dare gama gari a zamanin mulkin jari-hujja, don haka gwagwarmayar neman madadin duniya yana da rai sosai!
Chomsky babban farfesa ne a cikin Sashen Ilimin Harshe da Falsafa a MIT kuma farfesa a fannin ilimin harshe da Agnese Nelms Haury Chair a cikin Shirin Muhalli da Adalci na Jama'a a Jami'ar Arizona. Daya daga cikin manyan malamai a duniya, kuma hazikin jama'a da miliyoyin mutane ke kallonsa a matsayin wata taska ta kasa da kasa, Chomsky ya wallafa littafai sama da 150 a fannin ilimin harshe, tunani na siyasa da zamantakewa, tattalin arzikin siyasa, nazarin kafofin watsa labarai, manufofin kasashen waje na Amurka da kuma duniya. al'amura. Sabbin littattafansa sune Hukuma mara izini: Fuskantar Kalubalen Zamaninmu (mai zuwa; tare da CJ Polychroniou), Sirrin Kalamai (tare da Andrea Moro; MIT Press, 2022); Janyewar: Iraki, Libya, Afganistan, da Rashin Karfin ikon Amurka (tare da Vijay Prashad; Sabon Jarida, 2022); kuma Hasashen: Neoliberalism, Cutar Kwalara da Bukatar Gaggawar Canjin Al'umma (tare da CJ Polychroniou; Littattafan Haymarket, 2021).
CJ Polychroniou: Noam, tun lokacin da aka aiwatar da manufofin neoliberal fiye da shekaru 40 da suka gabata, suna da alhakin haɓaka ƙimar rashin daidaituwa, lalata abubuwan more rayuwa, da haifar da rashin bege da rashin jin daɗi. Duk da haka, ya kuma bayyana a fili cewa manufofin zamantakewa da tattalin arziƙi na Neoliberal sune ginshiƙan ɓangarorin ɓangarorin dama da kuma farfaɗo da mulkin kama-karya na siyasa. Tabbas mun san cewa akwai sabani tsakanin dimokuradiyya da tsarin jari-hujja, amma akwai wasu kwararan hujjoji da ke nuna cewa neofascism yana fitowa ne daga tsarin jari hujja na Neoliberal. Da ace kun yarda da wannan ikirari, menene ainihin alakar neoliberalism da neofascism?
Noam Chomsky: An zana haɗin a fili a cikin jimloli biyu na farko na tambayar. Ɗaya daga cikin sakamakon manufofin siyasa na tattalin arziƙin ɗan adam shine rugujewar tsarin zamantakewa, samar da hanyar haifar da tsattsauran ra'ayi, ƙiyayya da tashin hankali, neman ƙwaƙƙwaran ƙazamin ƙasa - da ƙasa mai albarka ga masu mulki waɗanda za su iya tsayawa a matsayin mai ceto. Kuma muna kan hanya zuwa wani nau'i na neo-fascism.
The Britannica ya bayyana tsarin mulkin neoliberalism a matsayin "akida da tsarin manufofin da ke jaddada darajar gasar kasuwa mai 'yanci," tare da "ƙananan sa hannun jihohi." Wannan shine hoton al'ada. Gaskiya ta bambanta. Ainihin tsarin manufofin ya bude kofa ga masu karfin tattalin arziki, wadanda su ma suka mamaye jihar, don neman riba da mulki tare da 'yan kadan. A taƙaice, yaƙin aji mara takura.
Ɗaya daga cikin ɓangaren manufofin shine nau'i na haɗin kai na duniya wanda ya haɗu da matsananciyar kariya ga masana tare da neman aiki mafi arha da mafi munin yanayin aiki don haɓaka riba, barin bel ɗin tsatsa a gida. Waɗannan zaɓin siyasa ne, ba larura ba na tattalin arziki ba. Ƙungiyoyin ƙwadago, wanda ofishin binciken da aka rushe na Majalisa a yanzu, ya ba da shawarar wasu hanyoyin da za su amfana da ma'aikata a nan da kuma waje, amma an yi watsi da su ba tare da tattaunawa ba yayin da Clinton ta shiga cikin tsarin duniya wanda masu gudanar da yakin basasa suka fi so.
Sakamakon da ya danganci "ainihin neoliberalism" shine saurin samar da tattalin arziki na tattalin arziki yana ba da damar zamba mara haɗari don riba mai sauri - ba tare da haɗari ba saboda ƙasa mai ƙarfi da ke shiga tsakani a kasuwa don ba da kariya mai ƙarfi a cikin yarjejeniyar kasuwanci yana yin daidai don ceton masters idan wani abu ya tafi. ba daidai ba. Sakamakon, wanda ya fara da Reagan, shine abin da masana tattalin arziki Robert Pollin da Gerald Epstein suka kira "tattalin arzikin bailout," wanda ke ba da damar yakin neman sassaucin ra'ayi ya ci gaba ba tare da hadarin azabtar da kasuwa ba don gazawa.
"Kasuwar kyauta" ba ta ɓace daga hoton ba. Babban jari yana da '' 'yanci' don yin amfani da lalacewa tare da watsi da shi, kamar yadda yake yi, gami da - bai kamata mu manta ba - yana lalata abubuwan da za su kasance cikin tsarin rayuwar ɗan adam. Kuma mutanen da ke aiki suna da '' 'yanci' don ƙoƙarin tsira ko ta yaya tare da raguwar albashi na gaske, fa'idodin fa'ida yana raguwa kuma ana sake fasalin aiki don ƙirƙirar precariat mai girma.
Yaƙin aji ya tashi, a zahiri, tare da kai hari kan ƙungiyoyin ƙwadago, babbar hanyar tsaro ga ma'aikata. Ayyukan farko na Reagan da Thatcher sun kasance hare-hare masu karfi a kan ƙungiyoyi, gayyata ga kamfanonin kamfanoni don shiga ciki da kuma wucewa, sau da yawa ta hanyoyin da ba bisa ka'ida ba, amma wannan ba shi da damuwa ga jihar neoliberal da suka mamaye.
Margaret Thatcher ta bayyana akidar da ke mulki da kyau yayin da aka kaddamar da yakin ajin: Babu wani abu kamar al'umma, kuma ya kamata mutane su daina kuka game da "al'umma" suna zuwa ceto. A cikin kalmominta marar mutuwa, "'Ba ni da matsuguni, dole ne gwamnati ta zaunar da ni!' don haka suna jefa matsalolinsu a kan al'umma kuma wace ce al'umma? Babu irin wannan! Akwai daidaikun mutane maza da mata kuma akwai iyalai, kuma babu wata gwamnati da za ta iya yin komai sai ta hanyar jama’a kuma mutane su fara kallon kansu.”
Thatcher da abokan aikinta tabbas sun san cewa akwai wata al'umma mai wadata da ƙarfi ga masters, ba wai kawai jihar da ke tsere don ceton su lokacin da suke cikin buƙata ba har ma da ƙayyadaddun hanyar sadarwa na ƙungiyoyin kasuwanci, ƙungiyoyin kasuwanci, masu shiga tsakani. ƙungiyoyi, tankunan tunani, da ƙari. Amma waɗanda ba su da gata dole ne su “duba kansu.”
Yaƙin aji neoliberal ya kasance babban nasara ga masu zanen kaya. Kamar yadda muka tattauna, wata alama ita ce canja wurin wasu dala tiriliyan 50 zuwa aljihun kashi 1 na sama, mafi yawa zuwa guntu daga cikinsu. babu karamar nasara.
Sauran nasarorin su ne “rashin bege da ɓacin rai,” ba tare da inda za a koma ba. 'Yan Democrat sun watsar da ajin aiki ga abokan gaba a cikin shekarun 70s, sun zama ƙungiya ta ƙwararrun ƙwararru da masu ba da gudummawa na Wall Street. A Ingila, Jeremy Corbyn ya zo kusa da mayar da koma bayan Jam'iyyar Labour zuwa "Thatcher Lite." Kafuwar Birtaniyya, a duk faɗin hukumar, ta tattara ƙarfi da ƙarfi kuma ta haura cikin rami don murkushe ƙoƙarinsa na samar da ingantacciyar jam'iyyar da ta sadaukar da muradun ma'aikata da talakawa. Cin zarafi marar jurewa ga kyakkyawan tsari. A Amurka, Bernie Sanders ya samu kyakykyawan yanayi, amma ya kasa karya lagon tafiyar jam'iyyar Clintonite. A Turai, jam'iyyun gargajiya na hagu sun kusan bace.
A zabukan tsakiyar wa'adi a Amurka, 'yan jam'iyyar Democrat sun yi hasarar ma'aikata farar fata fiye da da, sakamakon rashin son shugabannin jam'iyyar na yakin neman zabe kan batutuwan aji da jam'iyyar hagu mai matsakaicin ra'ayi za ta iya kawowa a gaba.
An shirya ƙasa sosai don haɓakar neofascism don cike ɓacin da ya bar ta hanyar yaƙi mara iyaka da mamaye cibiyoyin siyasa na yau da kullun waɗanda za su iya magance annoba.
Kalmar "yakin aji" ya zuwa yanzu bai isa ba. Gaskiyar cewa masana tattalin arziki da masu yi musu hidima a tsarin siyasa sun shafe shekaru 40 suna tafka kazamin kazamin yaki na fada aji, amma abin ya wuce wadanda aka saba yi, yanzu har ga wadanda suka aikata laifin. Yayin da yaƙin aji ke ƙaruwa, ainihin ma'anar tsarin jari-hujja yana bayyana kansa tare da tsattsauran ra'ayi: Dole ne mu haɓaka riba da iko duk da cewa mun san muna tseren kashe kansa ta hanyar lalata yanayin da ke ci gaba da rayuwa, ba kare kanmu da danginmu ba.
Abin da ke faruwa yana tunawa da wani sau da yawa maimaita labari kan yadda ake kama biri. Yanke rami a cikin kwakwa mai girman daidai don biri ya saka tafin hannun sa sannan ya sa ɗanɗano mai daɗi a ciki. Biri zai shiga ya kwaso abincin amma sai ya kasa fitar da dunkulewar tafin hannunsa da yunwa ya mutu. Mu ke nan, aƙalla waɗanda ke gudanar da shirin bakin ciki.
Shuwagabannin mu, da irin wannan damke hannunsu, suna bin wannan sana’ar na su na kashe-kashe ba tare da kakkautawa ba. A matakin jiha, 'yan Republican suna gabatar da dokar "Kawar da Nufin Makamashi" don hana ko da fitar da bayanai kan zuba jari a kamfanonin mai. Wannan zalunci ne na rashin adalci ga mutanen kirki waɗanda kawai suke ƙoƙarin cin riba ta hanyar lalata abubuwan da za su shafi rayuwar ɗan adam, suna ɗaukar kyawawan dabarun jari-hujja.
Don ɗaukar misali ɗaya na baya-bayan nan, manyan lauyoyi na Republican sun yi kira ga Hukumar Kula da Makamashi ta Tarayya da ta hana manajojin kadara daga siyan hannun jari a kamfanonin amfani da Amurka idan kamfanonin suna da hannu a cikin shirye-shiryen rage hayaki - wato, don ceton mu duka daga lalacewa.
Zakaran kuri'a, BlackRock Shugaba Larry Fink, kira ga zuba jari a cikin man fetur shekaru masu yawa a gaba, yayin da yake nuna cewa shi dan kasa ne nagari ta hanyar maraba da damar da za a saka hannun jari a cikin hanyoyi masu ban sha'awa don kawar da gubar da ake samarwa har ma a cikin makamashin kore - muddin aka tabbatar da samun riba mai yawa.
A taqaice dai, maimakon ba da arziqi don kubuta daga bala’i, dole ne mu baiwa masu hannu da shuni cin hanci don jawo masu hannu da shuni wajen yin haka.
Darussan, a bayyane kuma a sarari, suna taimakawa wajen ƙarfafa ƙungiyoyin jama'a waɗanda ke neman tserewa daga rugujewar tunani na jari hujja waɗanda ke haskakawa tare da haske mai haske yayin da yaƙin neoliberal da kowa ke kaiwa ga sabbin matakai na ban tausayi.
Wannan shi ne bangare mai haske da bege na tsarin zamantakewar da ke tasowa.
Da hawan Donald Trump kan karagar mulki, mulkin farar fata da mulkin kama-karya sun dawo cikin harkokin siyasa. Amma shin ba al'amarin ba ne cewa Amurka ba ta taɓa samun kariya daga farkisanci ba?
Menene muke nufi da "fascist"? Dole ne mu bambanta abin da ke faruwa a tituna, a bayyane, daga akida da siyasa, mafi nisa daga binciken gaggawa. Fascism a tituna shine Mussolini Blackshirts da kuma Hitler's Brownshirts: tashin hankali, m, halakarwa. Tabbas Amurka ba ta taba samun tsira daga hakan ba. Babban rikodin "cire Indiyawa" da bautar da ke canzawa ga Jim Crow baya buƙatar sake yin kisa a nan.
Wani lokaci kololuwar “fascism na titi” a wannan ma'ana ya gabaci Maris na Mussolini a Roma. Bayan yaƙin Wilson-Palmer, bayan WWI “jajen tsoro” shine mafi munin lokacin zalunci a tarihin Amurka, baya ga zunubai na asali guda biyu. An ba da labarin ban mamaki daki-daki a cikin binciken Adam Hochschild Amurka Tsakar dare.
Kamar yadda aka saba, baƙar fata sun fi shan wahala, ciki har da manyan kisan kiyashi (Tulsa da sauransu) da kuma mummunan tarihin kashe-kashe da sauran munanan ayyuka. Baƙi sun kasance wata manufa a cikin yunƙurin "Amurka" masu tsattsauran ra'ayi da tsoron Bolshevism. An kori ɗaruruwan “masu zagon kasa” daga ƙasar waje. An kusan lalata Jam'iyyar Socialist kuma ba ta murmure ba. An lalata ma'aikata, ba kawai Wobblies ba amma har ma fiye da haka, gami da mummunan yajin aikin da sunan kishin kasa da kariya daga "ja".
Matsayin hauka a ƙarshe ya zama abin ban mamaki har ya lalata kansa. Babban Atoni-Janar Palmer da ɗan’uwansa J. Edgar Hoover sun annabta wani tawaye da Bolsheviks ya jagoranta a ranar Mayun 1920, tare da faɗakarwa na zazzaɓi da tattara ‘yan sanda, sojoji da ’yan banga. Ranar ta wuce da ’yan filaye. Ba'a mai yawa da fata don "al'ada" sun kawo ƙarshen hauka.
Ba tare da saura ba. Kamar yadda Hochschild ya lura, zaɓuɓɓukan ci gaba na al'ummar Amurka sun sami mummunan rauni. Wata ƙasa daban zata iya fitowa. Abin da ya faru shi ne fasikanci na titi tare da daukar fansa.
Da ya koma kan akida da siyasa, babban masanin tattalin arziki na Veblenite Robert Brady shekaru 80 da suka gabata ya bayar da hujjar cewa daukacin duniyar jari-hujja ta masana'antu tana tafiya zuwa wani nau'i na farkisanci, tare da iko mai karfi na gwamnati kan tattalin arziki da rayuwar zamantakewa. A wani bangare na daban, tsarin ya bambanta sosai dangane da tasirin jama'a akan manufofin (dimokradiyyar siyasa mai aiki).
Irin waɗannan jigogi ba bakon abu ba ne a waɗannan shekarun, kuma zuwa iyakacin iyaka fiye da duka biyun da'irar hagu da dama.
Batun ya zama mafi akasarin sauye-sauye daga tsarin jari-hujja na shekarun baya bayan nan zuwa hare-haren neoliberal, wanda da karfi ya dawo da tunanin Adam Smith na cewa masanan tattalin arziki su ne manyan masu tsara manufofin gwamnati da tsara shi don kare muradun su. Ƙarawa a yayin yaƙin ajin neoliberal, ƙididdiga masu zaman kansu na ikon sarrafa iko da tattalin arziki da siyasa.
Sakamakon shine ma'ana gaba ɗaya - ba kuskure ba - cewa gwamnati ba ta yi mana hidima ba, sai dai wani. Tsarin koyaswar, wanda kuma ya fi yawa a hannun irin abubuwan da ke cikin iko na sirri, yana kawar da hankali daga ayyukan iko, yana buɗe kofa ga abin da ake kira "ka'idodin makirci," yawanci an kafa shi akan wasu sassan shaida: Babban Sauyawa, elites masu sassaucin ra'ayi, Yahudawa, da sauran sanannun concoctions. Wannan kuma yana haifar da "fashizim kan titi," zane a kan abubuwa masu guba waɗanda ba a taɓa samun su ba kuma waɗanda ba su da mutunci za su iya kama su cikin sauƙi. Ma'auni da halin yanzu ba ƙaramin barazana ba ne ga abin da ya saura na dimokuradiyya mai aiki bayan yaƙe-yaƙe na wannan zamani.
Wasu suna jayayya cewa muna rayuwa ne a cikin tarihin zanga-zanga. Hakika, kusan kowane yanki a duniya ya ga karuwar zanga-zangar zanga-zanga a cikin shekaru 15 da suka gabata. Me yasa zanga-zangar siyasa ta zama ruwan dare kuma ta zama ruwan dare a zamanin marigayi neoliberalism? Bugu da ƙari, ta yaya suke kwatanta da ƙungiyoyin zanga-zangar 1960?
Zanga-zangar ta samo asali ne daban-daban. Yajin aikin da masu motocin dakon kaya ya kusan dakatar da kasar Brazil don nuna rashin amincewarsu da shan kayen da Bolsonaro ya yi a zaben watan Oktoba ya yi kama da ranar 6 ga watan Janairu a birnin Washington, kuma mai yiwuwa a sake yin wani abu, wani fargaba, a ranar bikin rantsar da zababben shugaban kasar. Lula da Silva ranar 1 ga Janairu.
Sai dai irin wannan zanga-zangar ba ta da nasaba da gagarumin boren da aka yi a Iran wanda ya haifar da mutuwar 'yan sanda a hannun Jina Mahsa Amini. Matasa ne ke jagorantar wannan boren, mafi yawansu mata, duk da cewa yana kawo fagage da yawa. Abin da ake sa ran a kai a kai shi ne kawar da tsattsauran ra'ayi da ake yi wa mata, duk da cewa masu zanga-zangar sun wuce gona da iri, a wasu lokutan ma suna kira da a hambarar da gwamnatin malaman addini. Masu zanga-zangar sun samu wasu nasarori. Gwamnatin dai ta yi nuni da cewa za a ruguza ‘yan sandan kwantar da tarzoma, ko da yake wasu na shakkar gaskiyar sanarwar, kuma da kyar ta kai ga bukatu na jajircewa. Sauran zanga-zangar suna da nasu musamman.
Matukar akwai zaren gama-gari, shi ne rugujewar tsarin zamantakewa gaba daya a cikin shekarun da suka gabata. Abubuwan gama gari tare da ƙungiyoyin zanga-zangar '60s sun yi kama da na bakin ciki.
Ko mene ne alakar da ke tsakanin tsarin neman sassaucin ra'ayi da tashe-tashen hankula na zamantakewar al'umma, amma duk da haka a bayyane yake cewa tsarin gurguzu na ci gaba da fafutukar samun karbuwa a tsakanin 'yan kasa a mafi yawan sassan duniya. Me yasa haka? Shin gadon "ainihin gurguzu mai wanzuwa" wanda ke hana ci gaba zuwa makomar gurguzu?
Kamar yadda yake tare da farkisanci, tambaya ta farko ita ce abin da muke nufi da “yan gurguzu”. A faɗaɗa kalmar da aka yi amfani da ita don nufin mallakar zamantakewa na hanyoyin samarwa, tare da sarrafa ma'aikata na kamfanoni. "Hakika zamantakewar zamantakewar da ake da ita" ba ta da kamanceceniya da waɗancan manufofin. A cikin amfani da yammacin turanci " zamantakewa" ya zo da ma'anar wani abu kamar jari-hujja na jihar jindaɗi, wanda ya ƙunshi kewayon zaɓuɓɓuka.
Sau da yawa ana murkushe irin waɗannan yunƙurin ta hanyar tashin hankali. Jan tsoro da aka ambata a baya misali ɗaya ne, tare da tasiri mai dorewa. Ba da dadewa ba, Babban Bala'in da Yaƙin Duniya ya haifar da guguwar dimokuradiyya mai tsattsauran ra'ayi a duk faɗin duniya. Babban aikin waɗanda suka yi nasara shi ne murkushe su, wanda ya fara da mamayewar Amurka-Birtaniya na Italiya, da wargaza tsarin gurguzu na ƴan bangaranci da na manoma da kuma maido da tsarin gargajiya, gami da masu haɗin gwiwar farkisanci. An bi tsarin a wasu wurare ta hanyoyi daban-daban, wani lokaci tare da tashin hankali. Rasha ta kafa dokar ta ƙarfe a yankunanta. A cikin duniya ta uku, danniya da irin wannan dabi'a ya kasance mafi muni, ban da yunƙurin tushen coci, wanda tashin hankalin Amurka ya murkushe a Latin Amurka, inda sojojin Amurka a hukumance ke da'awar yabo don taimakawa wajen kayar da tauhidin 'yanci.
Shin ainihin ra'ayoyin ba su da farin ciki, lokacin da aka fitar da su daga hotunan farfagandar abokan gaba? Akwai dalili mai kyau na zargin cewa suna da wuya a kasa kuma suna iya fashewa lokacin da dama ta taso kuma aka yi amfani da su.
ZNetwork ana samun kuɗi ta hanyar karimcin masu karatun sa.
Bada Tallafi