The excitement and optimism that emerged in witnessing the Burkina Faso democratic uprising against the tyranny of Blaise Compaore should encourage both celebration and reflection. Literally millions of people, seemingly from nowhere, rose in revolt against a repressive regime that had been in existence for 27 years. Compaore, who betrayed his long-time friend and comrade, the revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso, Thomas Sankara, not only killed Sankara but set about to kill the revolutionary experiment that Sankara was leading.
Captain Thomas Sankara took power as part of a left-wing group within the military of what was then known as Upper Volta. Through their leadership of the State they undertook an effort at social and economic transformation of the country, including changing the name of the nation-state to “Burkina Faso”, meaning: “land of the honest people.” Sankara’s regime also sought to shift Burkina Faso out of the orbit of former colonizer France and into the realm of the non-aligned nations, including with those states that had carved out an anti-imperialist stance.
Sankara was very well-respected, not only in Burkina Faso but in other parts of Africa and the global South. His regime embarked on efforts to address male supremacy, develop domestic production, and created local Committees for the Defense of the Revolution as apparatuses for political rule. At the same time he and his regime came into conflict with some of the social forces in the country that had, at least initially supported the revolution, including but not limited to the trade union movement, thereby weakening parts of the base of the overall project.
In 1987 Sankara was overthrown in a coup led by Compaore. Despite the fact that Compaore originally identified as a leftist, he rather quickly moved Burkina Faso back into the orbit of France and the USA. The reforms instituted by Sankara were undone, and a tyranny was put into place.
The uprising of October 2014 not only shook Burkina Faso, but equally shook Africa. Reminiscent of the “Arab Spring,” millions entered the streets not only of the capital, Ouagadougou, but in other cities throughout Burkina Faso, demanding an end to Compaore’s regime after he attempted to extend his term in office.
What, then, are some of the issues to ponder as the democratic movement of Burkina Faso continues to unfold? I would argue that they include the following:
1.- Mass democratic uprisings do not come out of nowhere; there are no such things as “Facebook Revolutions.” Movements and uprisings, such as that in Burkina Faso, do not appear out of thin air. Nor do they start due to exchanges on Twitter or Facebook. Protracted organizing has taken place but not necessarily in a very public form. In the Tunisian Revolution, for instance, while the uprising was triggered by a response to the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi—an informal economy worker—there not only had been organizing and struggle for years, but there was the organization provided by the UGTT (General Union of Tunisian Workers) that played a central role in the success of the revolution. Social media, however, did play an important role in connecting those who had been in struggle and, thereby, helped to accelerate the growth of the movement.
2.- There is always leadership but there may not be formal organization:One of the mistakes frequently made when looking at mass democratic uprisings is the assumption of the non-existence of leadership. This is a major mistake. As Antonio Gramsci pointed out decades ago, there is always leadership, though the leadership may not be recognized and it may not be hegemonic. Mass movements have leaders with a small “l”, i.e., individuals who have followings. In some cases the following may be significant, in other cases it may be limited to a small circle, but these leaders make it possible for mass democratic uprisings to arise and cascade. These leaders, however, may not be linked to organization, may not be able to reproduce themselves, and, as a result, may not have anything approaching a collective strategy.
3.- In the absence of progressive organization, some other form of organization will seize control: The example of Egypt, in this regard, is very telling and a warning to the Burkina Faso democratic movement. Nature, as it is said, abhors a vacuum. Though a mass democratic uprising may arise in the absence of formal organization, if it is successful in ousting the old, something will inevitably move in to replace it. In the case of Egypt, the success of Sadat and Mubarak in crushing the political Left meant that the most organized force was the Muslim Brotherhood. Though the Muslim Brotherhood certainly did not initiate or lead the uprising against Mubarak, they were well placed to reap the rewards. Contrary to the hopes of the many radical activists who played the leading role in the uprising, the organized, coherent and well-resourced Muslim Brotherhood was positioned to gain power. In the 2013 uprising against the Muslim Brotherhood regime of Morsi, the organizational vacuum was filled by the Egyptian military which, in effect, took advantage of the mass movement in order to insert itself. History is replete with similar such examples.
4.- Revolutions are more than the overthrow of a regime but involve a process of social transformation: It is for this reason that I was cautious in describing the Arab Spring and suggested that it was an Arab democratic uprising. It was and remains far from clear the extent to which one can describe each process to be revolutionary, whether successful or failing in their overthrowing of existing regimes. The Burkina Faso democratic uprising, in that regard, can be assessed as being successful in ousting a despot, but whether it actually constitutes the first act of a revolution will have to be determined over time. There is no rush to judgment, but time has demonstrated repeatedly that the most honest uprising can be commandeered by nefarious forces.
5.- The military can never substitute for popular, revolutionary organization. There are many examples of military revolts, sometimes progressive, though most of the time quite reactionary. In either case, the military as an institution is trained and molded in the culture and politics of the old regime. Elements and habit from the old regime can easily reemerge within even a progressive military group regardless of how progressive the leadership group happens to be. The military, after all, functions on the basis of command, control and hierarchy. It is not normally trained—certainly not under capitalism—to be responsive to the needs, ideas and concerns of the masses. Even in the case of the Sankara regime, though institutions of popular control were being put into place, there was no political instrument to advance the process of social transformation.
6.- Uprisings in one country may inspire movements in other countries but whether such movements will emerge will be based on nationally-specific conditions. As, again in the case of the Arab Spring, uprisings in one country, e.g., Tunisia, inspired revolts elsewhere, the emergence of such revolts—and certainly their success or failure—was ultimately determined by conditions in those countries. In the case of Burkina Faso, the success of the uprising may inspire similar such revolts in West and Central Africa, but what must be examined are the conditions in each of those countries. One historic mistake of many well-intentioned radicals has been the assumption that the actions in one place can be replicated in another without factoring in differences in conditions. The Burkina Faso democratic uprising can be a beacon for other movements, but they will all, on their own, have to swim to shore.
All that being said, there are few things as good as seeing a tyrant sent running with its tail between its legs. Long live the Burkina Faso democratic movement! Long live the spirit of Thomas Sankara!
Bill Fletcher, Jr. is the host of The Global African on Telesur-English. He is a racial justice, labor and global justice writer and activist. Follow him on Twitter, Facebook and at www.billfletcherjr.com.
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