Compared with other regions, the Basque Country is the Spanish state’s most politically active autonomous region when it comes to what is sometimes described as a policy of “unnamed federalism.” In response to the systematic repression and exclusion imposed by dictator Francisco Franco Spain, including measures ranging from the banning of the Basque language to other forms of persecution, the Basque people resorted not only to armed struggle but also to numerous forms of political struggle. In the past, they were prevented from engaging in politics, their politicians were arrested, their candidacies were restricted, and their parties were shut down.

One of the figures who has been a witness, defendant, and victim of this process and its developments is Pernando Barrena, who serves as a Member of the European Parliament with The Left group on behalf of EH Bildu, the Basque Country’s left-wing pro-independence coalition. After beginning his political career as a municipal councilor at the age of 19, Barrena went on to serve as a regional parliamentarian and party spokesperson. His candidacy was blocked twice, he was arrested three times, and official records document that he was tortured. All of these experiences further strengthened Barrena’s struggle for the rights of the Basque people.

Barrena spoke to Devris Çimen of Yeni Özgür Politika about the history of the Basque Autonomous Community within Spain’s borders, as well as the ways in which culture and language are reflected in the public sphere, particularly through political, educational, and security institutions.

During the dark period of the Franco era, when the Basque language and its rights were banned, Basque-language education was covertly continued in Ikastola schools. What was the nature of these schools, and through what kind of organizational model were they brought to life during that period?

During the 60’s groups of parents organised themselves in private apartments at the beginning to make their children get Basque language education. At the times of the end of the dictatorship in 1975, Basque schools were created in the form of parents’ co-operatives that have kept that spirit so far. The Ikastola school movement is still powerful and dynamic and brings together around 50.000 students in the whole Basque Country.

From 1968 onwards, ETA waged an armed struggle for the independence of the Basque region, targeting the Spanish military and civilian bureaucracy. What were ETA’s fundamental grievances, and what kind of political consciousness did this movement generate within Basque society?

ETA was born at the beginning of the 60’s in the world context of decolonization and particularly the Algeria and Vietnam liberation wars. It was in the period of Franco’s dictatorship, and its activity at the moment fostered in the Basque population the ideas of national and social liberation that as time went by became very popular and politically organised in several political parties.

Following Franco’s death, the process of “Transition to Democracy” gave rise to new searches for a democratic resolution to the Basque question. Alongside the constitutional rights recognized during this period, what fundamental political and social changes took place in the Basque Country?

Spanish democracy and particularly the post 1978 Constitution recognised some basic liberties and an allegedly rule of law based political system. The main lacks that situation had were: first of all, there was no political rupture with the dictatorship, so the regime remained deeply installed in the ruling realms of the State. Secondly, no right to decide was granted at all for the Basques; and third, they attacked the territoriality of the Basque Country by splitting it in two autonomous communities, the Basque Autonomous Region, and the Navarre Chartered Community. This brought wide disappointment and confrontation with Madrid on the one hand, and among the Basques as well as some parties decided to support the autonomy deal offered, and the Basque National Left refused. 

How were the borders and legal status of the Basque Autonomous Region shaped? What political, cultural, and educational institutions does the region possess today, and what function do these institutions serve in the Basque people’s mechanism of self-governance?

The shape of the institutional frame was imposed by Madrid; they succeeded in imposing a partition of the Basques in two different institutional frames. Both communities enjoy their own parliaments and governments. Both institutional frames are empowered in Education and Language matters but as the judiciary is in the hands of Madrid, decisions taken by the Basques are quite often void by foreign powers.

The Basque region is described as “a broadly empowered autonomous structure” with its own parliament and government. So, what does the Basque Parliament and Government practically do for Basque society, and how do they shape the future of the region?

Both the Basque autonomous region and Navarre enjoy broad autonomy, they rule on most aspects of life except in the case of powers reserved for the state — army, judiciary, royal house, embassies, monetary policy- but I would say that what makes the difference is that they are the only autonomies in the Spanish state entitled to rise taxes, so they get people’s taxes and they send a part of that to Madrid according to a previously agreed formula. That makes both institutions financially very powerful and more efficient compared to other Spanish autonomous communities. 

Turning to the present day… How do you maintain the balance between Basque and Spanish? In particular, what is the level of Basque language use in public life and in the judiciary? How do you assess the younger generations’ interest in their mother tongue?

One third of the Basque population speaks Basque, and three quarters of those under 30 are fluent speakers. The Basque educational system plays a central role in the revival of the Basque language. As the linguistic pressure of Spanish and French is huge, one of the main challenge is the fostering of the use of the Basque language. The use of Basque in the judiciary remains less than symbolic as the judiciary powers are still fully Spanish.

What are the responsibilities of representatives elected from the Basque region to the national parliament in Madrid towards their constituents? What kind of political role do Basque deputies precisely play in Madrid?

MPs to Madrid are elected in the four Basque provinces for four years and represent their constituencies in the Spanish institutions. Members of the same parties get together to conform parliamentary groups in the Spanish Parliament. At this moment, EHBildu’ s MPs support the Spanish presidency on exchange of collaboration in social standards improvement legislation and Basque conflict related issues. Moreover, the Basque MPs stance is crucial to prevent the far right entering into office.

The Basque Country has its own police force called the Ertzaintza. By what criteria are its members selected, and within what legal framework do they provide security? Additionally, what is the situation regarding young Basques’ participation in the Spanish military, or the question of military service more broadly?

The Ertzaintza is a Basque autonomous police force conformed by members that passed a selection based on public merit criteria. This selection is legally granted by an agreement between the Basque and the Spanish governments. The infiltration by far-right members is one of the deepest issues this police force has nowadays. Young Basques do not join the Spanish army. Compulsory military service was abolished in the 90’s in the Spanish State after a powerful boycott campaign by Basque youngs that refused to serve and that were even imprisoned for that. The insubordination campaign was supported by the vast majority of youngs that succeeded at making compulsory military service abolished.

In terms of legal rights, what are the fundamental differences that distinguish a Basque person from other Spanish citizens? Does your identity card or passport carry any indication that your national identity is distinct?

In legal terms, Basque citizens enjoy slightly different civil and economic rights that are particularly passed by the Basque and the Navarrese parliaments. In terms of identity cards or passports, Basques are offered Spanish documents.

Following ETA’s ending of its armed struggle, how was the method of democratic negotiation — which replaced violence in Basque politics — received by society? At what stage is the process of confronting the historical burden of the past today?

The decision of bringing to an end armed struggle was taken by ETA on a unilateral basis, there was no bilateral scheme agreed. The decision opened a wide way for pro-independence politics in the Basque Country as Basques welcomed peace and the decisions taken; in that context EHBildu has become the first political force of the country as a whole, and most representative Basque political party in the Spanish parliament. Due to parliamentary arithmetic, the Spanish government needs EHBildu’s support to assure majority, and this offers new ways for pro-Basques’ interests politics.

Pernando Barrena?

He was born in 1965 in Pamplona, the capital of the Autonomous Community of Navarre. He began his political career in 1984, at the age of 19, when he was elected to the Berriozar Municipal Council. He was arrested in 1985. Between 1999 and 2003, he served in the Navarre Regional Parliament. He held senior positions and served as a party spokesperson within the Basque parties Herri Batasuna and Batasuna, which were banned by Spain’s Supreme Court on the grounds of alleged links to the ETA organization. During this period, his candidacy was blocked twice by the Spanish judiciary, and he faced political bans.

In 2006, he was arrested for allegedly organizing a strike that escalated into clashes with police and was released on bail of €200,000. In 2008, he was detained for two years on charges of “supporting the activities of an illegal political party” and was released in 2010 on bail of €50,000. In 2025, the Government of Navarre officially recognized that Barrena had been subjected to police torture in the past and formally granted him victim status. Barrena was elected as a Member of the European Parliament in the June 2024 elections on behalf of EH Bildu, the left-wing pro-independence coalition in the Basque Country led by Arnaldo Otegi. He had previously served in the European Parliament between 2019 and 2022.

This article has also been published in Turkish by Yeni Özgür Politika and in English by the Kurdish news agency, Firat (ANF).

---