ຄວາມຕ້ອງການເພື່ອຄວາມຢູ່ລອດຂອງລະບອບປະຈຸບັນແມ່ນຈະແຈ້ງ: ໃນດ້ານຫນຶ່ງ, ການນໍາຂອງກອງທັບຮູ້ວ່າການເອື່ອຍອີງທີ່ສໍາຄັນຂອງຕົນຕໍ່ຕາເວັນຕົກຮຽກຮ້ອງໃຫ້ມັນຮັບຮູ້ຕ່າງປະເທດເປັນລະບອບເສລີນິຍົມ pitted ກັບ Islamists ຮາກ. ແຕ່ໃນອີກດ້ານໜຶ່ງ, ໃນຕົວຈິງ, ເພື່ອປົກປັກຮັກສາ ແລະ ຂະຫຍາຍອຳນາດການປົກຄອງຕົນເອງ, ຕ້ອງຮັກສາສະຖານະການ.
Examples abound. On 21st April 2000, General Musharraf announced a new administrative procedure for registration of cases under the Blasphemy Law. This law, under which the minimum penalty is death, has frequently been used to harass personal and political opponents. To reduce such occurrences, Musharraf’s modified procedure would have required the local district magistrate’s approval for registration of a blasphemy case. It would have been an improvement, albeit a modest one. But 25 days later – on the 16th of May 2000 – under the watchful glare of the mullahs, Musharraf hastily climbed down: ‘As it was the unanimous demand of the ulema, mashaikh and the people, therefore, I have decided to do away with the procedural change in the registration of FIR under the Blasphemy Law’.
But even these climb downs – significant as they are – are less dramatic than the astonishing recent retreat over reforming the Hudood Ordinance, a grotesque imposition of General Zia-ul-Haq’s government unparalleled both for its cruelty and irrationality. Enacted into the law in 1979, it was conceived as part of a more comprehensive process for converting Pakistan into a theocracy governed by Sharia laws. These laws prescribe death by stoning for married Muslims who are found guilty of extra-marital sex (for unmarried couples or non-Muslims, the penalty is 100 lashes). The law is exact in stating how the death penalty is to be administered: ‘Such of the witnesses who deposed against the convict as may be available shall start stoning him and, while stoning is being carried on, he may be shot dead, whereupon stoning and shooting shall be stopped’.
ປະທານາທິບໍດີ ແລະ ຫົວໜ້າເສນາທິການກອງທັບ ນາຍພົນ Musharraf, ແລະ ນາຍົກລັດຖະມົນຕີ Citibank ຂອງທ່ານ Shaukat Aziz, ໄດ້ສະເໜີໃຫ້ປັບປຸງລັດຖະບັນຍັດ Hudood. ພວກເຂົາເຈົ້າໄດ້ສົ່ງຮ່າງຮ່າງສໍາລັບການສົນທະນາລັດຖະສະພາໃນຕົ້ນເດືອນກັນຍາ 2006. ດັ່ງທີ່ຄາດວ່າຈະ, ມັນ outraged the fundamentalists ຂອງ MMA ໄດ້, ເປັນຝ່າຍຄ້ານລັດຖະສະພາອິດສະລາມຫຼັກ. ສະມາຊິກ MMA ໄດ້ທຳລາຍເອກະສານສະບັບປັບປຸງທີ່ສະເໜີຢູ່ໃນສະພາແຫ່ງຊາດ ແລະຂູ່ວ່າຈະລາອອກຈາກຕຳແໜ່ງ. ລັດຖະບານໄດ້ປະຕິບັດຢ່າງບໍ່ຢຸດຢັ້ງ ແລະໄດ້ຖອນຕົວ.
ແຕ່ຮູບແບບແມ່ນກວ້າງກວ່ານັ້ນແມ່ນຄວາມນັບຖືຕໍ່ mullahs. ນາຍພົນ Musharraf ໄດ້ເຕັມໃຈທີ່ຈະໃຊ້ກຳປັ້ນເຫຼັກໃນສະພາບການອື່ນໆ. ສອງຕົວຢ່າງທີ່ໂດດເດັ່ນ: Waziristan ແລະ Balochistan. ແຕ່ລະສະເຫນີຄໍາແນະນໍາ.
The generals, safely removed from combat areas, and busy in building their personal financial empires, ascribed the resistance to ‘a few hundred foreign militants and terrorists’. But the Army was taking losses (how serious is suggested by the fact that casualty figures were not revealed), soldiers rarely ventured out from their forts, morale collapsed as junior officers wondered why they were being asked to attack their ideological comrades – the Taliban – at American instructions. Reportedly, local clerics refused to conduct funeral prayers for soldiers killed in action.
The Miramshah treaty met all demands made by the militants: the release of all jailed militants; dismantling of army checkpoints; return of seized weapons and vehicles; the right of the Taliban to display weapons (except heavy weapons); and residence rights for fellow fighters from other Islamic countries. As for ‘foreign militants’ who Musharraf had blamed exclusively for the resistance, the militants were nonchalant: we will let you know if we find any! The financial compensation demanded by the Taliban for loss of property and life has not been revealed, but some officials have remarked that it is ‘astronomical’. In turn they promised to cease their attacks on civil and military installations, and give the army a safe passage out.
ແລະຫຼັງຈາກນັ້ນມີ Balochistan. ເມື່ອ 44 ປີກ່ອນ ເມື່ອກອງທັບຍຶດອຳນາດ, ບໍ່ມີການເຄື່ອນໄຫວແບ່ງແຍກດິນແດນຢູ່ໃນເມືອງ Balochistan, ເຊິ່ງເຮັດໃຫ້ເກືອບ XNUMX% ຂອງເນື້ອທີ່ດິນຂອງປາກີສະຖານ ແລະເປັນບ່ອນເກັບມ້ຽນຂອງແກັສ ແລະນ້ຳມັນ. ໃນປັດຈຸບັນມີການກະບົດທີ່ເຕັມໄປດ້ວຍຄວາມທຸກໂສກຂອງ Baloch, ເຊິ່ງສ່ວນໃຫຍ່ແມ່ນເກີດມາຈາກຄວາມຮັບຮູ້ຂອງການຖືກປົກຄອງຈາກ Islamabad ແລະຖືກປະຕິເສດຜົນປະໂຫຍດຂອງຊັບພະຍາກອນທໍາມະຊາດທີ່ສະກັດມາຈາກດິນຂອງພວກເຂົາ.
Musharraf ແລະນາຍພົນຂອງລາວມີຄວາມຕັ້ງໃຈທີ່ຈະຢູ່ໃນອໍານາດ. ພວກເຂົາຈະປົກປ້ອງແຫຼ່ງພະລັງງານຂອງພວກເຂົາ - ກອງທັບ. ພວກເຂົາເຈົ້າຈະຮອງຮັບຜູ້ທີ່ເຂົາເຈົ້າຕ້ອງ - ອາເມລິກາ. ພວກເຂົາເຈົ້າຈະ pander ກັບ mullahs ໄດ້. ພວກເຂົາຈະທຳລາຍຜູ້ທີ່ຂົ່ມຂູ່ອຳນາດແລະສິດທິພິເສດຂອງພວກເຂົາ, ແລະບໍ່ສົນໃຈສິ່ງທີ່ເຫຼືອ. ບໍ່ມີລາຄາສູງເກີນໄປສໍາລັບພວກເຂົາ. ພວກເຂົາເປັນເຫດຜົນທີ່ປາກິສຖານລົ້ມເຫລວ.
ຜູ້ຂຽນສອນຢູ່ມະຫາວິທະຍາໄລ Quaid-e-Azam ໃນ Islamabad. ບົດຄວາມນີ້ໄດ້ຖືກພິມເຜີຍແຜ່ໃນວັນຄົບຮອບການກໍ່ລັດຖະປະຫານ. (ຈັດພີມມາໃນອາລຸນ, 12-10-2006)