As we continue to mark the 20th anniversary of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, we look at how the corporate U.S. media helped pave the way for war by uncritically amplifying lies and misrepresentations from the Bush administration while silencing voices of dissent. Longtime media critic Norman Solomon says many of the same media personalities and news outlets that pushed aggressively for the invasion then are now helping to solidify an elite consensus around the Ukraine war. āIn the mass media, being pro-war is portrayed as objective. Being antiwar is portrayed as being biased,ā he says. Solomon is author ofĀ War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to DeathĀ and the forthcomingĀ War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine.
Transcript
AMYĀ GOODMAN:Ā This isĀ Democracy Now!, democracynow.org,Ā The War and Peace Report. Iām Amy Goodman.
As we continue to mark the 20th anniversary of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, we look now at how the mainstream U.S. media helped to pave the way for war by uncritically amplifying the lies of the Bush administration, for example, around weapons of mass destruction, while silencing voices of dissent.
In 2003, the media watchdog groupĀ FAIR, Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting, published aĀ reportĀ titled āIn Iraq Crisis, Networks Are Megaphones for Official Views.ā The report found, in the weeks leading up to the invasion, the nationās four top nightly news programs interviewed 267 current or former government or military officials; just one of them expressed skepticism or opposition to the war.
In a moment, weāll be joined by the longtime media critic Norman Solomon. But first letās turn to an excerpt of the documentaryĀ War Made Easy: How Presidents & Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death, produced by the Media Education Foundation, based on Norm Solomonās book of the same name.
PRESIDENTĀ GEORGEĀ W.Ā BUSH:Ā We cannot wait for the final proof, the smoking gun, that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud.
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā As Americans, we like to think that weāre not subjected to propaganda from our own government, certainly that weāre not subjected to propaganda thatās trying to drag the country into war, as in the case of setting the stage for the invasion of Iraq.
PRESIDENTĀ GEORGEĀ W.Ā BUSH:Ā Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa.
VICEĀ PRESIDENTĀ DICKĀ CHENEY:Ā There is no doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction.
DEFENSEĀ SECRETARYĀ DONALDĀ RUMSFELD:Ā Weapons of mass destruction.
PRESSĀ SECRETARYĀ ARIĀ FLEISCHER:Ā Botulin, VX, sarin, nerve agent.
PRESIDENTĀ GEORGEĀ W.Ā BUSH:Ā Iraq and al-Qaeda.
RICHARDĀ ARMITAGE:Ā Al-Qaeda.
PRESIDENTĀ GEORGEĀ W.Ā BUSH:Ā Iraq and al-Qaeda.
UNIDENTIFIED:Ā Terrorism.
DEFENSEĀ SECRETARYĀ DONALDĀ RUMSFELD:Ā Cyberattacks.
PRESSĀ SECRETARYĀ ARIĀ FLEISCHER:Ā Nuclear program.
SECRETARYĀ OFĀ STATEĀ COLINĀ POWELL:Ā Biological weapons.
DEFENSEĀ SECRETARYĀ DONALDĀ RUMSFELD:Ā Cruise missiles, ballistic missiles.
PRESSĀ SECRETARYĀ ARIĀ FLEISCHER:Ā Chemical and biological weapons.
DEFENSEĀ SECRETARYĀ DONALDĀ RUMSFELD:Ā Iraq has weapons of mass destruction.
PRESSĀ SECRETARYĀ ARIĀ FLEISCHER:Ā President Bush has said Iraq has weapons of mass destruction. Tony Blair has said Iraq has weapons of mass destruction. Donald Rumsfeld has said Iraq has weapons of mass destruction. Richard Butler has said they do. The United Nations has said they do. The experts have said they do. Iraq says they donāt. You can choose who you want to believe.
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā The war propaganda function in the United States is finely tuned, itās sophisticated, and most of all, it blends into the media terrain.
SHEPARDĀ SMITH:Ā The White House says it can prove that Saddam Hussein does have weapons of mass destruction, claiming it has solid evidence.
DANĀ RATHER:Ā The White House insisted again today it does have solid evidence.
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā Itās necessary to provide a drumbeat media echo effect.
JOHNĀ GIBSON:Ā They might fight dirty, using weapons of mass destruction ā chemical, biological.
BILLĀ OāREILLY:Ā Anthrax, smallpox.
TOMĀ BROKAW:Ā Dirty bomb.
BRIANĀ WILLIAMS:Ā Dirty bomb.
BRITĀ HUME:Ā Iraq-al-Qaeda connection.
WILLIAMĀ SCHNEIDER:Ā Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda share the same goal: Both of them want to see Americans dead.
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā And I was very struck by the acceptance, the tone of most of the media coverage, as the sabers were rattled, as the invasion of Iraq gradually went from possible to probable to almost certain.
DAVIDĀ LEEĀ MILLER:Ā The president essentially giving Saddam 48 hours to get out of Dodge. War now seems all but inevitable.
GREGGĀ JARRETT:Ā Short of a bullet to the back of his head or he leaves the country, war is inexorable.
UNIDENTIFIED:Ā Well, I think thatās exactly right. War is inevitable, and it is approaching inexorably.
WOLFĀ BLITZER:Ā Is war with Iraq inevitable right now?
LAWRENCEĀ EAGLEBURGER:Ā I think itās 95% inevitable.
CHRISĀ BURY:Ā You, at this point, right now tonight, donāt see any other option but war.
RICHARDĀ HOLBROOKE:Ā Do you?
CHRISĀ BURY:Ā Iām asking you, Ambassador.
WESLEYĀ CLARK:Ā I agree. I donāt think thereās a viable option for the administration at this point. Weāre way too far out front in this.
MAJORĀ BOBĀ BEVELACQUA:Ā Send us over there, guys. Letās get on with it. Letās get it over with.
MSNBCĀ AD:Ā Showdown Iraq. If America goes to war, turn toĀ MSNBCĀ and āThe Experts.ā
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā And in many ways, the U.S. news media were equal partners with the officials in Washington and on Capitol Hill in setting the agenda for war.
MSNBCĀ AD:Ā Weāll take you there.
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā And although itās called the liberal media, one has a great deal of difficulty finding an example of major media outlets, in their reporting, challenging the way in which the agenda setting for war is well underway.
AARONĀ BROWN:Ā Weāve got generals and, if you ask them about the prospects for war with Iraq, they think it is almost certain.
JOEĀ SCARBOROUGH:Ā Pay no heed to the peaceniks and the left-wing rock stars. Theyāve had their 15 minutes of fame.
JONAHĀ GOLDBERG:Ā These people are essentially useless. They are reflexively opposed to war. Itās a principled position, but itās the wrong position, and you canāt take them seriously as a strategic voice.
BILLĀ OāREILLY:Ā We expect every American to support our military, and if they canāt do that, to shut up.
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā And when that reporting is so much a hostage of official sources, thatās when you have a problem.
CNNĀ ANCHOR:Ā U.S. officials tellĀ CNNĀ ā
CNNĀ REPORTER:Ā Bush official says ā
CNNĀ REPORTER:Ā Analysts say ā
AARONĀ BROWN:Ā Pentagon officials tell us ā
DAVIDĀ MARTIN:Ā According to U.S. intelligence ā
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā Often weāre encouraged to believe that officials are the ones who make news.
JOHNĀ KING:Ā U.S. officials say ā
U.S. officials say that ā
U.S. officials here say ā
Officials here at the White House tell us ā
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā They are the ones who should be consulted to understand the situation.
GEN.Ā COLINĀ POWELL:Ā I just pull these two things out ā Iāve laundered them, so you canāt really tell what Iām talking about, because I donāt want the Iraqis to know what Iām talking about, but trust me. Trust me.
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā If history is any guide, the opposite is the case: The officials blow smoke and cloud reality, rather than clarify.
VICEĀ PRESIDENTĀ DICKĀ CHENEY:Ā We will, in fact, be greeted as liberators.
PAULĀ WOLFOWITZ:Ā The notion that it will take several hundred thousand U.S. troops are wildly off the mark.
DEFENSEĀ SECRETARYĀ DONALDĀ RUMSFELD:Ā So the moneyās going to come from Iraqi oil revenue, as everyone has said. They think itās going to be something like $2 billion this year. They think it might be something like $15, $12 [billion] next year.
PRESIDENTĀ GEORGEĀ W.Ā BUSH:Ā We seek peace. We strive for peace.
AMYĀ GOODMAN:Ā Those last words, George W. Bush, weeks before the U.S. invaded Iraq 20 years ago, an excerpt from the documentaryĀ War Made Easy: How Presidents & Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death. Itās based on a book by the same name by our next guest, Norman Solomon, executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy, co-founder ofĀ RootsAction.org. His forthcoming book titledĀ War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine.
Your thoughts on this 20th anniversary, Norman Solomon? Because so many of the voices and faces we see in this documentary, so many of the commentators on television and the hosts are the same today.
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā Very much. In the mass media, being pro-war is portrayed as objective; being antiwar is portrayed as being biased. And very much so, the same media outlets, and often the same people, who lied, teamed up with the U.S. government to convey complete distortions to stampede the United States into war on Iraq two decades ago, these are the same media outlets that are, in the last few days, telling us what it all means.
And it reminds us, I think, of something that George Orwell said. He said those who control the past control the future; those who control the present control the past. He was alluding to the fight over history thatās so important, because when it is rendered in a distorted way, whether in real time ā you know, journalism is supposed to be the first draft of history. In the U.S. mass media, itās a distorted draft. Or, in retrospect, itās also prefigurative.
And I think an example is how 20 years ago āĀ actually, a little more than that āĀ right after 9/11, President George W. Bush said, āEither youāre with us, or youāre with the terrorists.ā And that was amplified, accepted, embraced by the U.S. mass media. Now, in the last year, weāre hearing from the current president: Either youāre with us, or youāre with the Russians.
Now, of course, what happened at 9/11 was horrible. It was a crime against humanity. The terrorists did a terrible, horrible thing, just as the Russians invading Ukraine have been doing a terrible thing. At the same time, I think we have to acknowledge that, as the saying goes, this is not really a Manichaean world. We canāt just simply divide the world into good or bad. And hereās an example. Our own president, President Joe Biden, tells us that the world is divided between those who believe in human rights and those who donāt. This is the guy who fist-bumped the leader of Saudi Arabia as that country continued to slaughter people with U.S. government help in Yemen. So, these are fictitious narratives, 20 years ago, now, that support U.S. militarism.
AMYĀ GOODMAN:Ā I want to go back to 2003, the legendary TV host Phil Donahue fired from his primetimeĀ MSNBCĀ talk show during the run-up to the U.S. invasion of Iraq. The problem wasnāt his ratings, but, rather, his views. An internalĀ MSNBCĀ memo warned Donahue was a ādifficult public face forĀ NBCĀ in a time of war,ā providing a, quote, āhome for the liberal antiwar agenda at the same time that our competitors are waving the flag at every opportunity.ā Well, in 2013,Ā Democracy Now!Ā spokeĀ to Phil Donahue about his firing.
PHILĀ DONAHUE:Ā Well, I think what happened to me, the biggest lesson, I think, is the ā how corporate media shapes our opinions and our coverage. This was a decision ā my decision ā the decision to release me came from far above. This was not an assistant program director who decided to separate me fromĀ MSNBC. They were terrified of the antiwar voice. And that is not an overstatement. Antiwar voices were not popular. And if youāre General Electric, you certainly donāt want an antiwar voice on a cable channel that you own; Donald Rumsfeld is your biggest customer. So, by the way, I had to have two conservatives on for every liberal. I could have Richard Perle on alone, but I couldnāt have Dennis Kucinich on alone. I was considered two liberals. It really is funny almost, when you look back on how ā how the management was just frozen by the antiwar voice. We were scolds. We werenāt patriotic. American people disagreed with us. And we werenāt good for business.
AMYĀ GOODMAN:Ā So, that was Phil Donahue talking about what happened to him 20 years ago. Norman Solomon, if you could take it from there? And also talk about the double standard in how grief is covered ā thatās grief of those within the U.S. and U.S.-allied countries versus the grief of everyone else. And also, your last book wasĀ War Made Easy. Your new book will be calledĀ War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine. Expand on that.
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā Yeah, so much of this is about corporate power ā in media, the interlocks with the military-industrial complex, the huge amounts of money that continue to be made by supplying the Pentagon with the tools of the murderous trade of ongoing war. Anybody who thinks the lies and the profiteering from slaughter is just 20 years ago is mistaken. What weāre seeing now is a more invisibility of war, just as profitable, if not more so āĀ massive arms sales to arm Ukraine, to build nuclear weapons in a new generation, as itās called, and the air war that has largely supplanted the ground troops. Remember 10, 15 years ago, so many U.S. troops on the ground.
There are now, more than ever, in many respects, two tiers of grief from the U.S. mass media and those on Capitol Hill and the White House: grief that matters and grief that doesnāt. The grief that matters is those of Americans who suffer or the designated allies, such as Ukraine citizens. Well, of course, we should empathize and portray the suffering of everyone who endures war. War is a crime against humanity. But what weāre not getting is that other tier of grief being conveyed. As a matter of fact, 20 years ago to today, the victims of U.S. war, financed by or bombs dropped on these people, they are virtually nonpeople in the U.S. mass media. You can scour for thousands of pages of theĀ Congressional RecordĀ and not find any empathy, any connection in human terms.
And so, really, Amy, I think when we get down to whatās really underneath so much of this is the tacit nationalism or explicit nationalism and racism and arrogance that says that some human beings really, really matter āĀ which is correct āĀ and other human beings really donāt matter, especially if theyāre being slaughtered by U.S. weaponry, that is so profitable.
AMYĀ GOODMAN:Ā And finally, Norman Solomon, the coverage of the antiwar movement, bringing out the voices of those who are opposed to war, looking for a just peace?
NORMANĀ SOLOMON:Ā Yes, this is part of the mythology of mass media that we live in this land of the free and home of the brave, and yet, when push comes to shove, we only get from the corporate media glorification or even substantial coverage of antiwar protesters when theyāre in Moscow. And we should support the antiwar protesters in Moscow. We should also support and publicize and really convey to the American people the messaging of antiwar protesters and a deep reservoir of antiwar belief in this country.
AMYĀ GOODMAN:Ā Norman Solomon, I want to thank you for being with us, executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy, co-founder ofĀ RootsAction.org, author ofĀ War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death. The film of that same title,Ā War Made Easy, is produced by the Media Education Foundation. His forthcoming book is titledĀ War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine.
A belated happy birthday to Tami Woronoff!Ā Democracy Now!Ā is currently accepting applications for aĀ digital fellow. Learn more and apply at democracynow.org.Ā Democracy Now!Ā is produced with RenĆ©e Feltz, Mike Burke, Deena Guzder, Messiah Rhodes, Nermeen Shaikh, MarĆa Taracena, Tami Woronoff, Charina Nadura, Sam Alcoff, Tey-Marie Astudillo, John Hamilton, Robby Karran, Hany Massoud, Sonyi Lopez. Our executive director, Julie Crosby. Special thanks to Becca Staley, Jon Randolph, Paul Powell. Iām Amy Goodman.
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