One of the most challenging questions of democracy might indeed be: why did so many people vote for Adolf Hitler even though he acted against their interests? Virtually the same can be said for those who voted for Brexit in the UK, voted for Germany’s neo-fascist AfD – even when Germany’s capital side openly stated that the AfD would harm the poor – and voted for Donald Trump.

The question of why voters actively support political parties, economic policies, and systems of governance that contradict their collective interests might lead to two answers. It might have something to do with corporate mass media and propaganda convincing them to vote against their interests. But it also has something to do with the prevailing ideology that makes those political parties appear attractive to these voters. Both may create a false consciousness of interests.

Yet, simply using the Marxist concept of false consciousness might not entirely cut it. Political-economic ideologies – megaphoned by corporate media – must work their magic to get voters to vote against their own interests. For example, far-right populist ideologies legitimize not just the status quo of turbo-capitalism but also present a false image of the great leader who can fix it all. As Donald Trump once said, “I alone can fix it.” Virtually the same was promised by the Duce del Fascismo, the Führer, and all the other make-believe far-right saviors.

In other words, ideological delusions – such as the great leader who can fix it all – help individuals maintain a coherent worldview and protect their subjective well-being by camouflaging the irrationalities and pathologies not only of capitalism but also those created by the authoritarian systems right-wing populists tend to establish.

In the first place, this can mean that many voters are unaware of their social and economic interests. Through this, they are made complicit in their own oppression – particularly when they have internalized and adopted the ideological perspectives of the dominating powers. It was none other than Marx who expressed this in the famous dictum:

the ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas

Such ideologies can lure voters into what might be called “system justification.” For example, neoliberal capitalism and its adjacent ideologies are near-perfect examples of system justification. If anything, neoliberalism justifies capitalism. The ideology of neoliberalism has created a nearly total system of delusions – of perfidious and overly oppressive, exploitative, and violent systems of domination over human beings and over Earth’s natural environment.

Unlike Orwell’s Big Brother or Yevgeny Zamyatin’s Мы (We), this is an entirely new quality of mind control creating homo neoliberalus. Today, mind-numbing ideologies are turbo-charged by corporate mass media and online platforms. Elon Musk knows this.

Lately, the socially, environmentally, and ethically corrosive consequences of neoliberal ideology have been shifted – by right-wing populists – onto imaginary “liberal elites,” no-longer-existing communists, feminists, the LGBTQIA+ movement, and the like.

These ideologies exploit the fact that members of any society have a strong motivational tendency to accept, defend, justify, and legitimize prevailing social, economic, cultural, and political arrangements.

This is portrayed to them as overall reasonable, just, and without viable alternatives under TINA: there is no alternative. Much of this is also supported by the ideology of the normative power of fact – once Trump’s new ballroom is attached to the White House, it is likely to stay.

This resonates with deep-seated existential and relational needs. It constitutes aspects of our very human motivational substructure.

Paradoxically, the adoption of system-justifying ideologies is widespread and possibly even more prevalent in social groups and social classes that are disadvantaged or marginalized. In other words, the respective political and economic conditions assure their commitment to capitalism, neoliberalism, and even right-wing populism.

Worse, neoliberal ideology – seen as a system-justification ideology – works rather well. It has the capacity to decrease negative emotions while increasing subjective well-being and satisfaction with the current state of affairs.

Some of the most compelling system-justifying ideologies of our time are what German sociologist Max Weber called the “Protestant work ethic” (work hard); the merit ideology (advancement comes through merit, ability, and effort); fair-market ideology (the free market is good for all – the best rise to the top); belief in a just world (capitalism is a just system); the belief that the power of the powerful is legitimate; that social dominance must be accepted as normal and natural; opposition to equality (hierarchies are good – they help all); authoritarianism as a fact of life; and political conservatism as something natural to us—we like what we know.

Despite their heterogeneity, implausibility, and outright falsehoods, all of them share common features. For example, the ideology of merit advocates that personal success and individual failure are direct results of an individual’s abilities or inabilities. Failure is due to a lack of individual effort or laziness.

This relates to the (mis)belief in a just world – the myth of an ethical and fair capitalism. It is signified in the ideology that “everybody gets what they deserve.” Capitalism is good. Just look at your fridge; it is full of goodies. Amazon, Temu, and Shein have what you want, and so on.

Accordingly, neoliberal capitalism needs a strong ideology to justify the unfairness and harshness of the free market. This is reflected in the “fair-market ideology.” It makes voters believe that the “invisible” mechanisms of supply and demand lead to the most efficient, balanced, and even-handed distribution of outcomes for everyone.

On top of that, social-dominance ideology tells voters that some groups – the rich and powerful – are superior to others. The very same ideology also tells them that group-based hierarchies and inequality are necessary and desirable.

Related assumptions underlie those ideologies that further justify the economic system of capitalism. They ideologically justify power and assure that there is virtually no opposition to rampant inequality.

For example, the system of advanced capitalism has totally eliminated communist parties, almost completely eradicated socialist parties, and reduced social-democratic parties to the state of ornamentation. In many countries, we find what Chomsky once acknowledged when he said: we have a one-party system – the business party. All too often, today’s political battles have been reduced to a struggle between “soft” (US Democrats, for example) and “hard” (Trump Republicans, right-wing populists, etc.) neoliberal parties.

Albeit slightly differently, ideologies such as political conservatism and right-wing authoritarianism legitimize and defend traditional forms of life as well as hierarchies, inequalities, and domineering power structures.

Today’s neoliberal ideology has assumed the function of a superordinate, all-pervasive, multidimensional complex of system-justifying delusions that – sadly – works its manipulative magic on the unsuspecting voter.

Many in both advantaged or privileged groups and disadvantaged or marginalized groups – discriminated against on the basis of gender, race, class, status, and so on – have not only internalized but also actively advocate ideologies of system justification.

There is the Midwestern Christian woman voting for pussy-grabbing Trump; the English farmer voting for Brexit who today cannot find farm labor; the East German retiree voting for the neo-fascist AfD who can no longer find someone for his aged-care needs.

Meanwhile, the power of system-justifying ideologies can increase positives such as individual satisfaction and contentment while decreasing negative effects like frustration, anger, guilt, and shame. Beyond that, such simple ideologies offer a coherent worldview, reducing the vast pathologies created in capitalist society to a few handy and semi-plausible answers.

For the advantaged, belief in these ideologies increases self-esteem, subjective well-being, and positive attitudes toward their own group. It even supports in-group favoritism and ideologically justifies it.

For the disadvantaged, such crypto-rationalizations come at the cost of decreased self-esteem and more negative views of their own group. Corporate mass media has been successful in moving the disadvantaged toward idealization of socially dominant and advantaged groups – they admire the multibillionaire Trump while shopping at Walmart and dining at McDonald’s – without the golden dinner sets Trump has.

Worse, the subjective well-being of disadvantaged groups can also be elevated through engagement in system justification. This is made possible by providing individuals with a sense of control – “take back our country” – and an illusion of non-discrimination justified through the illusion of upward social mobility in a society increasingly defined by the asphyxiated individual with virtually no chance of upward advancement.

For both advantaged and disadvantaged groups, system justification results in increased legitimacy, perceived fairness, and approval of neoliberal capitalism, as well as decreased support for social change. This is flanked by resentment toward, and disapproval of, measures addressing social inequality and the injustices of capitalist society.

System justification provides an explanation for the false consciousness of socially deprived groups. Imperative for capitalist society is that policies that could potentially improve their collective situation are rejected by those very groups. There is the welfare recipient voting for a party that tightens welfare provision. There is the English voter crossing a bridge marked “supported by the EU” to vote for Brexit.

Fundamental to system justification is ideology understood as a dominant hegemonic system of ideas, practices, and media propaganda serving the interests of powerful political-economic elites.

Accordingly, system-justifying ideologies are fabricated and broadcast “top-down” by political, economic, intellectual, and socio-cultural elites. Rather than a thoroughly rational and consciously planned process, the fabrication and dissemination of system-stabilizing ideologies must be understood as an emergent process based on prevailing elite interests. In any case, such ideologies focus mainly on ten key themes:

1. Work ethic: people have a moral responsibility to work hard; hard work is a virtue leading to rewards.
2. Merit: the system rewards individual ability and motivation; success indicates personal achievement.
3. The free market: market-based procedures and outcomes are inherently fair, legitimate, and just.
4. Economy: economic inequality is natural, inevitable, and legitimate; outcomes are deserved.
5. Justice & fairness: people get what they deserve and deserve what they get.
6. Power: power is a natural and desirable feature of social order; power is legitimate.
7. Dominance: some groups are superior; hierarchy is good.
8. Equality: social and economic equality is unattainable and undesirable.
9. Tradition: people should follow conventional traditions and authority.
10. Conservatism: traditional institutions should be preserved.

By broadcasting these ten ideologies – often in different, cunning, but always deeply manipulative ways – the propaganda apparatus of corporate capitalism has managed to entice many voters to vote against their own economic interests.

This creates system justification as socio-economically disadvantaged groups internalize – from kindergarten to school, university, the workplace, civil society, and beyond – and even advocate neoliberal ideological themes that run counter to their class interests.

Associated ideological beliefs are instrumental in reducing cognitive dissonance, justifying the status quo, and appealing to deeply human needs for simplicity, unambiguity, structure, order, and predictability.

Virtually all neoliberal politicians and right-wing populists promise “order.” Most – perhaps all – claim to establish order through coercive forces: Italian Blackshirts, Hitler’s SA, the Spanish Falange Española, Iran’s IRGC, Trump’s ICE, and so on. This is the punishment part.

But all authoritarian regimes also operate through manipulative ideologies transmitted via a media apparatus: Hitler had Goebbels and the Volksempfänger; Berlusconi was a media owner; Donald Trump is a showman; Hungary’s Viktor Orbán controls the media – all ready to broadcast the ten ideologies imperative to far-right authoritarian rule.

Meanwhile, the psychological functions of neoliberal ideology include short-circuiting cognitive dissonance – the mental discomfort felt when holding conflicting beliefs or when actions contradict beliefs.

These ideologies also help rationalize perceived and experienced social inequalities and injustices. They bolster legitimacy and satisfaction with the status quo.

Despite the manipulative psychological processes uncovered here, it is important to realize that the disadvantaged are as much perpetrators of prejudice and xenophobia as they are victims of their own false consciousness.

The demand to overcome these ten manipulative ideologies and delusions implies a call for a dignified social world with decent material living conditions and the sustainability of Earth’s climate.

It necessitates a continuous struggle against the asphyxiating, sedative, and numbing misbeliefs and asymmetrical structures that define capitalist societies. We are not trapped in the Hotel California where “you can check out any time you like – but you can never leave.”

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