After the Israeli Parliament passed the law in 2018 referred to as a “breach of the duty of loyalty,” the Ministry of Interior was granted the authority to revoke a person’s residency rights if it determines that “the individual is not sufficiently loyal to the State of Israel.” As a result of this law, 41-year-old Jerusalem-born Salah Hamouri was expelled from Jerusalem and deported to France in December 2022. Hamouri, who obtained French citizenship through his mother, is known as a French-Palestinian. Prominent as a human rights defender, researcher, and lawyer, Hamouri spent more than 10 years in Israeli prisons as a political prisoner. Continuing his struggle and political activities in Paris after his exile, Hamouri answered our questions. With lawyer Salah Hamouri, we discussed the issue of the “breach of the duty of loyalty,” as well as the past and present political situation in Palestine, Israel’s attacks, Gaza, debates over a two-state solution, Palestinians in the diaspora, and international solidarity.

You are being denied access to the area where you were born and raised. What are the reasons for this decision? And is this an isolated case, or is it a systematic measure that also affects other Palestinians?

It is important to remember that Israel has pursued, for decades, policies aimed at reducing the Palestinian presence in Jerusalem. To achieve this, a series of laws and administrative measures have been put in place to alter the demographic composition of the city. One of the most significant was the Jerusalem Law of 1980, which declared Jerusalem "complete and united" as the capital of Israel and formalized the annexation of East Jerusalem.

Over the years, additional measures have further strengthened this policy. In 2018, the Knesset adopted what is known as the "breach of allegiance" law, which grants the Israeli Ministry of the Interior the power to revoke the permanent residency status of Palestinians from East Jerusalem. Unlike Israeli citizens, most Palestinians in Jerusalem do not hold Israeli citizenship but only permanent residency status.

Under this law, the Ministry of the Interior can revoke a person’s residency on the grounds that they are deemed insufficiently loyal to the State of Israel. These decisions are often based on secret security files that are not disclosed to either the individual concerned or their lawyers, making it extremely difficult to challenge them.

It was under this law that I was expelled from Jerusalem and deported to France in December 2022 because I hold French nationality through my mother. My case is far from isolated. We were eight Palestinians from Jerusalem targeted under this "breach of allegiance" policy. And this is only one of many tools used to push Palestinians out of their city and weaken their presence in Jerusalem.

What is the current humanitarian and political situation in Palestine, and what are the main challenges facing the population today in the wake of the genocide in Gaza? 

I think it is important to remember that the situation in Palestine is not a humanitarian issue, but a political one. Today, the political situation is as serious as it was at the time of the Nakba.

Whether in Gaza, the West Bank, Jerusalem, or the territories occupied in 1948, the central issue remains the same: the Zionist project has never departed from its original ideological foundation, namely the idea of "a land without a people for a people without a land." Within this ideology, the occupier uses every possible means to empty the land of its indigenous inhabitants.

For me, apartheid is a means. Colonization is a means. Deportation is a means. Genocide is a means. The occupier uses different colonial methods to pressure Palestinians into leaving their homeland.

The threat of expulsion and deportation does not concern Gaza alone. It also affects the West Bank, Jerusalem, and Palestinians living in the territories occupied in 1948.

In Gaza, it is important to remember that the genocide did not stop with the declaration of a ceasefire. There are still martyrs, and Palestinians continue to be killed. It is also important to recall that Israel recently announced its intention to control 70% of the Gaza Strip. Today, they are clearly expanding the "red line." They are in the process of reasserting control over Gaza and reshaping it.

The famine continues. Targeted killings continue. The killing of journalists and the attack on Palestinian society as a whole continue. We can also see this through the statements of Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, who are now promoting what they call the "voluntary migration" of Palestinians.

Why has international solidarity—in the form of protests, campaigns, and large demonstrations—not prompted the UN—even though it designated November 29, 1978, as the “International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People”—and other international political bodies to take action to prevent the genocide in Gaza? 

I think the role of the United Nations has weakened in recent years, largely because of the balance of power that exists within the institution itself. There is first and foremost a political issue, but also a financial one. We have to ask: who funds the United Nations? We have seen how Donald Trump used political pressure by withdrawing funding and attempting to reshape the international order, including the UN itself.

It is also important to recall that on March 25, 2024, the UN Security Council adopted a resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza during Ramadan, without a U.S. veto. Yet even that resolution was not respected by Israel.

In my view, as long as the United States and the major powers do not use their leverage, do not impose sanctions, and do not isolate Israel, Israel will continue to feel free to pursue this ongoing genocide. As long as there are no sanctions and no price to pay for its actions, whether in Gaza or in the occupied territories, there is no real mechanism of pressure capable of stopping it.

Setting aside the much-discussed role of Hamas: Have values such as human rights, democracy, and international law been permanently undermined by Israel’s actions in this war?

First of all, it is important to remember that one cannot truly speak of democracy under occupation. Hamas won the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections and secured a majority in the Palestinian Parliament. Yet instead of respecting the choice made by the Palestinian people and giving this democratic process a chance, Western powers, led by the United States, imposed a total financial blockade in order to punish that outcome.

As a result, Palestinians have had a particular experience of democracy: when the results do not align with the expectations of the dominant colonial powers, their choice is not respected.

Furthermore, there have been no presidential or legislative elections since 2005-2006. Under these circumstances, what is the point of talking about democracy?

How credible is the debate over a two-state solution being promoted by countries such as the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, France, and many others, when Israel already exists and is internationally recognized, while the Palestinian people are struggling for their survival and statehood?

In my view, the two-state solution is not a politically just solution for Palestinians. Before even discussing this possibility, we must first ask whether it truly guarantees the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people. The two-state solution does not address essential issues, particularly the right of return for Palestinian refugees.

Before talking about any political solution, we must first recognize the rights of Palestinians: the right to self-determination, the right of return, the right to resist, the right to live, and the right to freedom of movement.

For me, the priority is not to debate an abstract political formula, but to build a real balance of power, both inside and outside Palestine. Without that balance of power, it is impossible to seriously think about a political solution.

The Palestinian population is divided between the existing parties, Fatah and Hamas. Given the current chaotic political situation, is it possible for a comprehensive, secular, and viable democratic alternative to emerge?

The inter-Palestinian political situation has been quite complicated since the political division between Gaza and the West Bank in 2007. It is important to note that there are other political forces besides Fatah and Hamas. However, today, all Palestinian political parties have been weakened by the political situation in Palestine.

This weakness is also linked to the absence of a genuine political project in which people can place their trust. As a result, many Palestinians struggle to see a clear political direction.

For me, unless there is a real reconstruction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), with the participation of all Palestinian political parties, we will remain politically lost, especially Palestinians living outside Palestine.

There are an estimated 14 million Palestinians worldwide. More than half of them live scattered throughout the diaspora outside the historic region of Palestine. What influence do they have on developments in Palestine? Is it possible for these Palestinians to return?

Historically, Palestinians in the diaspora played a very important and central political role, particularly during the 1960s and 1970s.

Unfortunately, the Oslo Accords profoundly transformed the Palestinian political, social, economic, and even ethical landscape. As a result, Palestinian refugees gradually lost the political position they once held and the influence they had over Palestinian strategic decision-making.

Today, the role of the younger generations is evolving. Since October 2023 in particular, Palestinians in the diaspora have been reclaiming their place in the struggle of the Palestinian people. This is visible in solidarity movements, where they often play a leading role.

They contribute both politically and to strengthening the solidarity movement, by seeking to build a Palestinian diaspora bloc that supports the resistance and also works toward a political solution.

What might solutions look like for societies whose right to self-determination—as in the case of the Palestinian and Kurdish peoples—is systematically denied?

For me, the question of self-determination is a fundamental right, a basic right of all peoples.

As long as this right is not respected and continues to be denied, the answer is resistance. When others refuse to recognize your right to self-determination, you have to impose it.

This right is not achieved by shouting or by politely asking your enemy for it. It is achieved through resistance. 

This interview was also published in Turkish by Yeni Özgür Politika.

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