Last week closed stage two in the first round of Egypt’s long-awaited parliamentary polls with a disappointing low voter turnout. A similar scenario occurred in stage one, with nearly empty polling stations and the elderly making up the majority of voters. This was in spite of much fanfare that the elections presumably represented the final step in the country’s “roadmap to democracy’’ as claimed by the military-backed regime and hoped for by Egyptian authorities.

Just like in past elections, numerous violations and irregularities were reported, with political funds and electoral bribes denounced as the two main violations. Vote buying is a common practice in Egyptian elections as poor, illiterate voters are easy to attract in hard economic times, exacerbated by subsidy cuts and rises in fuel prices. There were also various local media reports of campaigning near several polling stations, with posters of candidates put up on walls and printed advertisements handed out to voters.

But before observing violations during the elections, what raises concerns is the broader context in which these elections are being held.

Egypt has been without a Parliament since June 2012, leaving ample executive and legislative powers to President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi. Based on the constitution, a Parliament limits the executive authority. For example, it has the power to restrict the president’s authority to name a prime minister, withdraw support, and even impeach the president. Enough for el-Sissi to consider amending the constitution so to allow for a strong presidential system, as he recently hinted.

Although a Parliament is expected to draw the lines between the executive and legislative authorities, the new assembly gives little reason to believe it can be a genuine check and balance against the executive.

“The political power is in the hands of the president and the military establishment, this Parliament is not intended to act as a power-centered institution,” argued Ashraf El-Sherif, lecturer in political science at the American University in Cairo. “These elections were set not to deliver anything really meaningful.”

There’s now even less reason to think there is potential for the upcoming Parliament to make its voice heard after the “For the Love of Egypt” electoral list, known to be a major supporter el-Sissi, emerged as the strong winner in the first phase of the elections, having gained more than 50 percent of the votes. Instead, the legislature is likely to give the president more executive powers, and approve the over 300 laws that he has issued. Pro-el-Sissi coalition “For the Love of Egypt” asserted that the Parliament “should approve these laws and debate them afterwards.”

Besides that, issues such as human rights, political reform, judicial restructuring, and social justice will be unlikely to appear on the agenda for the political forces in this assembly.

Egypt’s electoral system poses an inherent problem, given its much criticized electoral law which is designed to discriminate against political parties.

The new law allocates only 120 of 568 seats to party and independent lists (with quotas for youth, women, Christians, and workers) and 448 seats to individual candidates. In addition, under the new electoral law, if a list wins 51 percent or more of the votes, it takes all the seats in that district, rather than distributing the seats among lists proportionally. Such an electoral system clearly privileges independent candidates – with money and connections – over party lists. Most of the secular opposition parties – smaller and less well-funded – will probably win fewer seats in the new Parliament than they would if the party-list seats were to be distributed proportionally. Therefore, the current law is bound not only to limit space for political parties but to discriminate against any potential opposition.

Another problematic issue is the perceived lack of legitimacy in the next assembly which is, in part, reflected in the widely evident low voter turnout. Some have abstained because they refused to elect members of Mubarak’s old regime, many supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood have largely boycotted the polls so as to not to take part in what they deem an “illegitimate process,’’ and a high number of youth have refrained since they believe the government is restricting their freedoms.

“We need to look into why most Egyptians haven’t voted, we cannot ignore such widespread indifference,’’ said politician and activist George Ishak.

Others have not bothered going to the polls simply because they believe their vote will not make any difference and understand this Parliament won’t bring any change in the face of what they consider is an increasingly authoritarian rule by el-Sissi.

Starting from the very political set up, alongside the current climate of repression of fundamental freedoms, one can actually understand violations like buying votes, banning opposition party lists, intimidation, irregularities in the vote-counting, or lack of transparency.

A system that does not allow for real popular representation, with a Parliament that does not include strong voices of dissent, will ensure that el-Sissi, rather than the Parliament, is in control of the democratic transition, de facto maintaining the one-man rule.

“There’s no real opposition, anyone who’s running in these elections is lined up with the regime’s favourites in one way or another,” AUC Professor El-Sherif said. “The idea is to create a Parliament which is not going to be a trouble-maker.”

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