UN Ambassador Nikki Haley told the UN Security Council on March 8 that āall options are on the tableā regarding North Korea. Between then and April 27, NPR.org published 60 stories on US/North Korea relations. Hereās a representative exchange (Morning Edition, 4/20/17):
David Greene, host: A pretty ominous-sounding warning from North Korea this morningā¦. So what could North Korea actually do to threaten us?⦠I asked NPR national security editor Phil Ewing about the actual danger at this point from North Korea.
Phil Ewing: So the danger is we know the North Koreans have ballistic missilesā¦. And we know they have nuclear weapons. Theyāve detonated a number of bombs below ground in the past few years. The issue is, will they be able to build a nuclear weapon small enough to fit on top of one of those missiles to be able to threaten their neighborsāSouth Korea or Japanāor potentially even one day hit the United States?
We donāt know if theyāre there yet or not. The Pentagon says it has to assume theyāre building toward that capability. And thatās why the generals and admirals, especially in the Pacific, pay so much attention to this danger.
North Koreaās dictatorial government uses the threat of war as a propaganda tool against its own populationāfostering loyalty to itself and its military establishment. As NPRās own reporting (3/23/16) put it, North Koreaās Kim Jong Un āneeds to establish his own legitimacy, and that means standing up to enemies.ā According to Brookingsā Sheena Greitens, interviewed in that piece: āNorth Korea might use a range of strategiesā¦but we should remember that theyāre all aimed at the same underlying, fundamental objective: ensuring Kimās political survival.ā
If North Koreaās warlike propaganda is so transparent, what should we think of the US media? Of course, professional journalists claim to pursue the truth, and report it in nobodyās interest but the publicās. But what if even a āseriousā outlet like National Public Radio launches a flurry of fear-mongering at a word from the Pentagon? A survey of its coverage since March 8 suggests that NPR has promoted the perspective of the US government at the expense of public understanding of US/North Korean relations. The construction of foreign āthreatsā benefits both a national government hungry for legitimacyāand news organizations hungry for an audience.
Exaggerating the Threat
On April 24, NPRās All Things Considered aired a segment titled āAs Tensions Rise, Experts Question Threat Level Posed by North Korea.ā Three experts were interviewed, all delivering a message similar to the comment of Matthew Fuhrmann of Texas A&M:
I think a lot of the danger comes from things that the United States might do, not things that North Korea might doā¦. What concerns me is the possibility that decision makers in the United States or elsewhere donāt understand that.
One wishes that NPR reporters and their expert guests had gotten the memo much earlier. Since March, North Korea has been featured as an āurgent threatā (4/13/17), āa direct threatā and āgrowing threatā (guest expert Joel Wit, 4/17/17), a āreal threatā (guest expert David Sanger, 3/29/17), āone big threat facing the US right nowā (4/20/17), and a country that āhas emerged as such a threatā (4/7/17). We have repeatedly been invited to imagine North Korea hitting the US mainland with a nuclear bomb (3/29/17, 4/2/17, 4/6/17, 4/14/17, 4/17/17, 4/20/17, 4/17/17).
How likely is such a scenario? We contacted Bruce Cumings, professor of history at the University of Chicago and author of several books on Korea, who stated simply: āNorth Korea would never launch an ICBM against the US unless a general war was on; they know they would be erased if they did so.ā By the time NPRās April 24 segment aired, walking back the immediacy of the threat, NPR staff and experts had conjured the nightmare scenario at least six times. The least likely of the many possible tragic outcomes has become the most likely to be remembered and feared by NPR listeners.
In a Facebook Live interview (4/18/17), NPR national security editor Phil Ewing described US anxiety over Kim Jong Unās birthdayāwhen North Korea was expected to test a weapon: āPeople thought that he might attackā¦the United States.ā Which people imagined such an improbable course of events? Ewing cited no source. Is his role to pass on the information he has turned up as a journalistāor is it to pass on a sense of fear, and an image of North Korea as aggressor?
Bruce Cumings, again:
North Korean military capabilities are constantly hyped across our media, without ever mentioning US nuclear blackmail of North Korea going back to 1951. NPR is less culpable in its scare stories than CNN, but they donāt shy away from hyping the āNorth Korean threat.ā
NPRās reporting feeds into a national confusion about US/North Korea relations, exaggerating the risk that North Korea poses to US Americans, and obscuring the real sources of that risk.
Do NPR listeners need this kind of education? Is the American public lacking in imagination when it comes to hypothetical foreign attacks? National polling suggests not: 86 percent of likely US voters Ā āview North Korea as a serious national security threat to the United Statesā (Rasmussen poll, 4/19/17). When Pew (4/5/17) polled about how to respond to Korean nukes, it found
61 percent of Americans prefer increasing the already severe sanctions that are in place. Only 28 percent say they want to deal with the nuclear issue by engaging more and deepening ties with the country.
Deferring to the Pentagon
NPRās coverage typically promotes a sense of murkiness about North Korea/US relationsāwe can sense the drama and importance, but it is often difficult to tell what is happening on the ground and why it is supposed to be so momentous. Impersonal phrases obscure who is acting, and often obscure NPRās sources for their assertions. Ā āConcernsā frequently āmount.āāor simply āthere is concern.ā One headline (4/14/17) read: āRising Tensions Raise Questions About North Koreaās Military Capability.ā Alternatively, tensions also āratchet upā (4/25/17).
Steve Inskeep, host: How tense is the situation here?
Bob Schmitz, host: Oh, itās tenser than itās been in years.
āMorning Edition (4/14/17)
For whom are things so tense? āEveryone in the regionā was āfeeling more tense than usual,ā one piece (4/14/17) unhelpfully explained, adding: āMany people in the region are pretty worried.ā Yet NPR (4/23/17) clarified that South Koreans are not particularly worried, quoting Korean author Suki Kim saying āNorth Korea is kind of old newsā in the South. Still, in the 60 stories surveyed, NPR hosts and guests used the words ātenseā or ātensionā 46 times, as well as āconcernā (as in worry) 19 times, and āworryā or āworrisomeā 12 times, along with a variety of similar terms.
Vague but agitating language allows NPR reporters to keep drama in their headlines, even when the subject of the story is something that didnāt happenāsay, a nuclear test that there was āwide speculationā North Korea would carry out (The Two-Way, 4/24/17).
Murky language also leaves room for spin: US government and military officials emerge as protagonists, and nobody explains why theyāre the good guys. North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un is a āstrongmanā (4/11/17, 4/17/17) and āirrationalā (3/29/17, 4/23/17). North Koreaās actions, words or simply its existence are classified as threats in almost every article reviewedāclose to 100 times in only 60 articles. But when US officials discuss attacking North Korea, they are never āthreatening.ā A typical example features both countries outlining potential military responses if āprovokedāābut only one is a threat (Morning Edition, 4/25/17):
And then yesterday, North Korea threatened to sink a US Navy strike group if provoked. The United States now is turning things up a notch. For their part, on the Today show yesterday, the UN ambassador, Nikki Haley, talked about the conditions under which the US might consider striking North Korea.
The only time an NPR host described the US as threatening, his own guest set him straight (Morning Edition, 4/17/17):
David Greene: So is the vice president threatening war here?
Joel Wit, US/Korea Institute: Well, I think what the vice president is doing is exactly what he said, which is showing resolve in the face of a growing North Korean nuclear threat.
Instead of being āirrationalā or āthreatening,ā US officials merit serious, masculine adjectives: When Vice President Mike Pence delivers āfrank remarksā on North Korea, he is āshowing resolveā and being āvery straightā or ātoughā (e.g., 3/18/17); the administrationās position on North Korea is āhard-line.ā
The unpopular vice president, as he threatens to lead the most powerful military in the world into a conflict that would lead to an estimated million deaths, is a potential hero (Morning Edition, 4/14/17):
And if Americans are nervous that these tensions, you know, are there and want someone to step in, get some commitments from allies, somehow calm this down, Pence could be the guy. This is a big moment for him.
From The Two-Way (4/17/17):
Pence, whose father is a Korean War veteran, earlier visited the Demilitarized Zone between the Koreas, where he could see North Korean soldiers across the divide.
The latter move is a perennial photo-op for US administrations, as Cumings described recently in an interview on a WNYC podcast (4/19/17). NPR chooses to include it naturally in the narrative, as if the carefully crafted government storyline was, in fact, the story.
Itās unlikely that NPR reporters and editors want to come off as Pentagon mouthpieces, let alone as representatives of the Trump administrationāof whom NPR is generally highly critical. NPRās North Korea coverage doesnāt give Trump a free passāseveral stories point out that his aggressiveness and āunpredictabilityā could be making the situation worse. But coverage doesnāt challenge the tropes that help foster a compliant and supportive civilian population in wartime: the atmosphere of excitement and fear; heroic figures appearing amid the fog of war; the republication and amplification of official government statements; the dehumanization of the enemy.
Part of the problem is NPRās consistent reliance on Pentagon and official sources: 40 out of 60 stories reviewed cited official governmental sources. For 14 of them, the US government was the only source. Many experts consulted are former government officials, or have close ties to government.
NPR reporters are doubtless frustrated by the seeming necessity of taking so many cues from the Pentagon: in his interview with another NPR reporter about Trumpās armada lie, national security editor Phil Ewing was asked: āIn your mind, thereās nothing the media can really do besides trusting what the Pentagon says,ā and he responded: āThatās the discipline.ā And though such reliance may be frustrating to NPR reporters, itās downright harmful to the public that trusts them.
Missing History
The most salient point is that Americans (and NPR) never want to examine what their US Air Force did to North Korea in three years of bombingāessentially erasing 16 cities with nary a building standing in 1953, use of oceans of napalm, etc. Every North Korean is well aware of this.
ā Bruce Cumings
Through all the twists and turns of the narrativeāthe hypothetical attacks; the missile tests and military exercises that did or did not happen; the threats and responsesāNPR has covered every inch of the present North Korea/US conflict, Ā all while observing a remarkable silence about where the conflict comes from.
Among all the stories posted to NPR.org, including all those from their flagship news programs, none mention US involvement in the Korean War as context for the current situation. The only such discussion we could locate through NPR.org was an interview with Cumings on the PRI/WNYC podcast The Takeaway (4/18/17).
Hereās some of the story that NPR has left out: In 1951, General Douglas MacArthur, after being relieved of command in North Korea, testified to Congress:
The war in Korea has already almost destroyed that nation of 20,000,000 people. I have never seen such devastation. I have seen, I guess, as much blood and disaster as any living man, and it just curdled my stomach, the last time I was there. After I looked at that wreckage and those thousands of women and children and everything, I vomited.
Quoting this passage, historian Bob Neer in Napalm: An American Biography went on:
War leveled at least half of 18 of the Northās 22 major cities. Pyongyang, a city of half a million people before 1950, was said to have had only two buildings left intact.
Fast forward to 2017, where you can hear Steve Inskeep, host of NPRās Morning Edition (4/17/17), ruminating:
Inskeep: I just went back and counted. President Trump is the 13th American president to be dealing with this North Korean regime, the 13thā¦.
David Greene: Thatās amazing.
Inskeep: ā¦president in a row, a reminder of what a giant order that is to solve Ā Ā Ā this problem. Up to now, for president after president, this has been a problem to manage, not solve.
Within the span of those 13 presidencies, under Harry Truman, a US bombing campaign killed perhaps 20 percent of the North Korean populationāa massacre and a war crime that should not be referred to as āmanagement.ā
NPRās coverage also obscures the USās recent role in the conflict. As noted above, tensions simply rise or āratchet upā impersonally in NPRās coverage. US ships leaving and entering the region are frequently described as āconducting exercisesāāand here is NPRās most thorough description of what they do (The Two-Way, 4/14/17):
The latest launch comes as South Korea and the US wrap up their annual spring joint military exercises on the peninsula, which North Korea objects to because it views the drills as preparation for war. The US has consistently said the war games are defensive.
For contrast, see Christine Hongās commentary on Democracy Now! (4/17/17):
Obamaās policy toward North Korea was, in point of fact, one of warfareā¦.
The Obama administration [made] the militarization of the larger Asia-Pacific region one of its topmost foreign policy objectives. And under the Obama strategic pivot to the Asia/Pacific region, the US concentrated its naval forces to a tune of 60 percentā¦in the Pacific regionā¦.
The United States performs the largest war games in the world with its South Korean ally twice annually. And in the course of performing these military exercises, it actually rehearses a number of things. It rehearses the decapitation of the North Korean leadership, the invasion and occupation of North Korea, and it also performs a nuclear first strike against North Korea with dummy munitions.
Why is NPRās audience shielded from seeing what their own military does, and how it is perceived?
Most significantly missing from NPRās narrative are the lives of those who would be the primary victims of any military conflict: North Korean people. NPR Pentagon reporter Tom Bowman (4/9/17) summed up the consequences of war :
And if you did start attacking North Korea, thereās a sense that they would start using those missiles. Twenty-five million people [the population of Seoul, South Korea] are at risk, as well as 33,000 US troops. It would be horrific.
NPR reporters and their guests spoke often of the potential human cost of war; they mentioned the South Koreans and US Americans that might die in 11 out of the 60 articles surveyed. At each opportunity, however, they stopped short of mentioning the North Korean people who would die: They mention ācasualties on both sidesā only once (Weekend Edition, 3/18/17).
To an outside observer, itās obvious that North Korean media and government statements are not tools to inform, but to shore up political strength. In the United States, news outlets like NPR claim to be independentāand to inform, as much as possible, from an objective point of view. But theĀ propaganda functions of news reporting are all the more effective for being subtle enough to go unnoticed by most listeners. NPRās coverage of US/North Korea relations, while less sensationalist than that of many other media outlets, presents a skewed picture of the conflict, one which exaggerates the danger to the United States, mystifies the actions of US officials and the military, and erases North Korean victims of the conflict, both past and potential.
You can contact NPR ombud Elizabeth Jensen via NPRās contact form or via Twitter:Ā @EJensenNYC. Please remember that respectful communication is theĀ mostĀ effective.
CORRECTION (5/10/17): An earlier version of this article misattributed a quote from NPRās Tom Bowman to Steve Inskeep.
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