Some Truly Nauseating Remarks in Brussels
Many liberals and progressives were shaken into anger, disgust, dismay, and disappointment when Barack Obama said the following to U.S. NATO and European Union allies in Brussels one week ago today:
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āRussia has pointed to Americaās decision to go into Iraq as an example of Western hypocrisy. Now, it is true that the Iraq War was a subject of vigorous debate not just around the world, but in the United States as well. I participated in that debate and I opposed our military intervention there. But even in Iraq, America sought to work within the international system. We did not claim or annex Iraqās territory. We did not grab its resources for our own gain. Instead, we ended our war and left Iraq to its people and a fully sovereign Iraqi state that could make decisions about its own future.ā
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Obamaās statement came in a speech that chastised Russia for āchallenging truths that only a few weeks ago seemed self-evidentā by seizing Crimea ā that āthat international law matters, that people and nations can make their own decisions about their future.ā
I understand the anger and the disgust. How did Obama pile so many blatant lies and falsification into a mere 109 words? Global opinion was overwhelmingly against George W. Bushās invasion and occupation of Iraq. The supposedly āvigorous debateā within and beyond the U.S. was horribly stunted and partial, thanks to the systematic distortion and manufacture of facts by the White House and Pentagon, aided and abetted by the U.S. Congress and the corporate media.
Bush brazenly invaded without support from international law, of course. That law prohibits the launching of a war unless that war is undertaken for legitimate reasons of self-defense or if it is authorized by the United Nations Security Council. Neither condition was met, compelling Washington to act on its own, along with a handful of bought and bullied āpartners.ā
It is true that the U.S. did not annex Iraq. But, as Sheldon Richman noted in Counterpunch last weekend:
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āin many respects the Bush administration sure triedā¦de factoĀ control was the Bush regimeās objective in Iraq from Day Oneā¦The presumptuous whiz-kid bureaucrats sent in after Saddam fell were armed with plans to remake Iraq right down to its traffic lights and flag. The oil resources were to be āprivatizedā and parceled out to crony American companies. (Remember the promises that oil revenues would pay for the costly war? Didnāt happen.)ā
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āBillions of dollars ostensibly spent to rebuild the infrastructure destroyed by American bombers (beginning in 1991) ended up lining the pockets of contractors, subcontractors, and sub-subcontractors (ad infinitum) ā with little to show for it. Iraqis to this day suffer from inadequate public services like water, electricity, sewerage, and medical careā¦.āThe Bush administration also expected to have some three dozen permanent military bases (with lots of American firms granted lucrative business concessions), and an embassy the size of the Vatican.ā
āFew of these plans came to fruition ā but only because Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, who as IranāsĀ handpicked candidate for prime minister, wouldnāt permit it. To be sure, the U.S. government did not gain territory or grab resources ā but not for lack of trying.ā
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Comparing the United Statesā unprovoked and mass-murderous invasion of Iraq favorably with Russiaās nearly bloodless annexation of Crimea and saying that the U.S. invasion was consistent with international rules marks a new Orwellian low even for Kill List Obama ā a man who does not shy away from moral quicksand in service to empire and inequality.
Well more than a million Iraqis died because of the monumentally criminal U.S. assault. It will take Iraq many decades to recover from the havoc wreaked on it by the U.S., if recovery is even possible. As the widely respected journalist Nir Rosen in the mainstream journal Current History in December of 2007, āIraq has been killed, never to rise again. The American occupation has been more disastrous than that of the Mongols who sacked Baghdad in the thirteenth century. Only fools talk of solutions nowā¦The only hope is that perhaps the damage can be contained.ā
Along the way, Washington continues to sponsor violence and authoritarian rule in Iraq. All of this and more makes Obamaās claim that the U.S. left Iraq in good, sovereign, and self-determining shape look damn near sociopathic. As Richman elaborates:
āThe war indeed ended in 2011. But letās not forget that before (most of) the troops left, Obama begged al-Maliki to let U.S. forces stay beyond the deadline set in the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). Al-Maliki ā who didnāt need the United States when he had Iran in his corner ā demanded conditions so unacceptable to Obama that most forces were withdrawn as scheduled. (SOFA was signed by Bush, but that doesnāt stop Obama from claiming credit for āending the war.ā) The U.S. government continues to finance, arm, and train al-Malikiās military, which represses the minority Sunni population.ā
āWhat was left to Iraqās people was a catastrophe ā¦The invasion unleashed a conflagration of sectarian violence between Sunni and Shiites, unseen during Saddamās tenure and consciously facilitated by the U.S. government. Most Sunnis were cleansed from Baghdad. Countless were killed and maimed; millions more became refugees. The fire burns out of control to this day, fueled by the oppression and corruption of al-Maliki, whoās earned the moniker āthe Shia Saddam.āā
āā¦Even the usually sunny Department of State advises American travelers to Iraq that US citizens āremain at risk for kidnapping ⦠[as] numerous insurgent groups, including Al Qaida, remain activeā and notes that āState Department guidance to US businesses in Iraq advises the use of Protective Security Detailsāā
āā¦.That is what has been left to the Iraqi people by the benevolent power of the United States of America. As for the U.S. governmentās respect for Iraqās sovereignty, the Obama administration is pressuring al-Maliki to stop allowing Iraqās ally Iran to fly through Iraqi airspace to help Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in his civil war.ā (Sheldon Richman, āObamaās Iraq Fairy Tale,ā Ā Counterpunch, March 28-30, 2014, http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/03/28/obamas-iraq-fairy-tale/)
While Vladimir Putinās regime is ugly and imperial, Russia is hardly murdering masses and destroying social and technical infrastructure in Crimea, where the preponderant majority of citizens clearly want to be affiliated with Moscow, not Kiev. To compare Putinās significantly defensive annexation of geographically proximate Crimea with mass support from Crimeans with Bushās brazenly imperialist and mass-murderous invasion occupation of an oil-rich nation half way across the world from Washington is worse then merely deceptive. Itās revolting and itās evil.
So disgust and anger make perfect sense. For what itās worth, I never cease to be amazed by Obamaās capacity to sicken the soul in the smooth articulation of the same noxious Orwellian, imperial, and American-exceptionalist rhetoric that George W. Bush advanced in comparatively clumsy fashion. Ā
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āWhat Iām Opposed to is a Dumb Warā
I do not share the dismay and disappointment with Obamaās Brussels remarks, however. We should keep in mind that Obama as president has shown repeated, consistent, and brazen disregard for international law in numerous ways: the calamitous regime-changing air war on Libya, the attempted bombing of Syria, the ordering of hundreds of deadly, civilian-slaughtering drone and Special Forces attacks across the Muslim world, the maintenance of a giant Orwellian global surveillance and spying network, and more.
But put all that aside and go back to Obamaās positions on Iraq back in the days of Cheney and Bush, when masses of āportsideā Americans looked to Obama as a Great Half-White Hope for peace and justice. Obama was never the anti-Iraq War candidate that liberals, progressives, and even some leftists wanted to think he was.
In the fall of 2002, it is true, Obama joined with numerous other Chicago Democratic politicians to speak against Bushās Iraq invasion plans in Chicagoās downtown Daley Plaza. But Obamaās Daley Plaza speech (copies of which were lodged in the screen doors of Iowa City liberals the night before the 2008 Iowa Caucus) was not an anti-war oration. Obama made sure to tell his audience that āI donāt oppose all warsā¦.what I am opposed to is a dumb war.ā Ā Calling Bushās imminent war ādumbā but not criminal or immoral, the speech deleted the highly illegal and richly petro-imperialist ambitions behind the invasion being planned in Washington. It rejected the planned invasion in much the same terms as George Bush Seniorās former National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft and much of the rest of the American foreign policy establishment. It argued that invading Iraq would be a foreign policy mistake ā something that would likely not work for United States power in the world. It deleted the fact that the unprovoked occupation being worked up by the White House and Pentagon would be a brazenly illegal and imperial transgression certain to kill untold masses of innocent Iraqis.
The basis for Obamaās dissent from Bush and Cheneyās war plans did not differ in any fundamental moral and ideological way from that of numerous militantly imperial members of the foreign policy establishment.
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āHe Had Bigger Plansā
In 2003, the year the criminal invasion was undertaken, Obama removed his Daley Plaza speech from his Web site. Even that speechās tepid objections to the planned occupation were seen by him and his handlers as too strident and radical for public consumption as he prepared to make his run for the United States Senate seat left open by the departure of Senator Peter Fitzgerald (R-IL). Obama was nowhere to be found amid the great antiwar marches that took place in downtown Chicago on the nights of March 19 and March 20, 2003.
According to Carl Davidson, a former anti-Vietnam War activist who helped organize the Daley Plaza rally and who later helped form the oxymoronically named group Progressives for Obama (PFO), Obama began stepping back from his āantiwarā position after the invasion: āhe turnedā¦now we had to set aside whether it was right or wrong to invade, now we had to find the āsmartā path to victory, not Bushās ādumbā pathā¦.He wasnāt listening to us much anymore, but to folks much higher up in the Democratic Leadership Council orbit. He had bigger plans.ā
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āThe Difference is Whoās In a Position to Executeā
Obamaās heralded Democratic Party Convention Keynote Address of late July 2004 (the speech that put him on the national stage as a public phenomenon and potential future president) steered clear of any substantive criticism of the invasion and the fraudulent basis on which it was sold and authorized by Democratic as well as Republican legislators. āThe Speechāsā main criticism of Bushās criminal invasion was that the White House had gone to āwarā without āenough troops to win.ā
Obamaās instantly lauded address was consistent with the militaristic John āReporting for Dutyā Kerry presidential campaign, which ran on the notion that its standard-bearer would be a more competent and effective administrator of the Iraq occupation than Bush. Kerry was going to conduct the illegal invasion in a more efficient and effective way.
Obamaās most telling Iraq war statement during the 2004 Democratic Party convention did not occur in his famous address. One day before his speech, Obama told the New York Times that he actually did not know how he would have voted on the 2002 Iraq war resolution had he been serving in the United States Senate at the time of the vote. Here is the relevant Times passage: āIn a recent interview, [Obama] declined to criticize Senators Kerry and Edwards for voting to authorize the war, although he said he would not have done the same based on the information he had at the time. āBut, I’m not privy to Senate intelligence reports,ā Mr. Obama said. āWhat would I have done? I donāt know.ā What I know is that from my vantage point the case was not made’” (NYT, July 26, 2004).
Obama said something just as revealing the next day. āThereās not that much difference between my position [on Iraq] and George Bushās position at this stage,ā he told The Chicago Tribune. āThe difference, in my mind, is whoās in a position to executeā (emphasis added).
The Tribune added that Obama ānow believes U.S. forces must remain to stabilize the war-ravaged nation ā a position not dissimilar to the current approach of the Bush administration.ā
As Ralph Naderās vice presidential running mate Matt Gonzales asked four years later, āwhy wouldnāt he have taken the opportunity to urge withdrawal if he truly opposed the war? Was he trying to signal to conservative voters that he would subjugate his anti-war position if elected to the U.S. Senate and perhaps support a lengthy occupation?…as it turns out,ā Gonzales added, āheās done just that.ā
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āTheyāve Seen Their Sons and Daughters Killed in the Streets of Fallujahā
Obamaās subsequent behavior as U.S. Senator was richly consistent with Gonzalesā observation. Besides voting repeatedly to spend billions on the Iraq occupation after his arrival to the U.S. Senate in early 2005, the new junior senator from Illinois inveighed against what he called the āTom Hayden wing of the Democratic Partyā to tell congressional Democrats they would be āplaying chicken with the troopsā if they dared to de-fund the Cheney-Bush invasion (Hayden would later lend his name to PFO). After the Democrats attained a majority in the Congress in November of 2006 largely on the basis of mass popular antiwar sentiment, Obama warned Democrats against being seen as working against the Bush administration on Iraq. Despite the existence of numerous reports showing that a significant number of U.S. troops had committed atrocities against innocent civilians in Iraq, Obama gave a speech to the Chicago Council on Global Affairs (CCGA) that praised U.S. military personnel for their āunquestioningā āserviceā in Iraq and for ādoing everything we could ever ask of them.ā The oration bore the ominous title, āA Way Forward in Iraq.ā Despite polls showing a majority of Americans desiring a rapid withdrawal of U.S. forces, Obama claimed, as Stephen Zunes noted at the time:
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āthat U.S. troops may need to stay in that occupied country for an āextended period of time,ā and that āthe U.S. may have no choice but to slog it out in Iraq.ā Specifically, [Obama] called for U.S. forces to maintain a āreduced but active presence,ā to āprotect logistical supply pointsā and āAmerican enclaves like the Green Zoneā as well as āact as rapid reaction forces to respond to emergencies and go after terrorists.ā Instead of calling for an end to the increasingly bloody U.S.-led military effort, he instead called for āa pragmatic solution to the real war weāre facing in Iraq,ā with repeated references to the need to defeat the insurgency.ā
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At one revealing point speaking to the CCGA, Obama had the cold imperial audacity to say the following in support of his disturbing claim that U.S. citizens support āvictoryā in Iraq: āThe American people have been extraordinarily resolved [in support of the occupation of Iraq, P.S]. . They have seen their sons and daughters killed or wounded in the streets of Fallujahā (emphasis added).
This was a spine-chilling selection of locales. Fallujah was the site for colossal U.S. war atrocity by the U.S. military in April and November of 2004. The crimes included the indiscriminate slaughter of civilians, the targeting even of ambulances and hospitals, and the practical leveling of an entire city. The town was designated for destruction as an example of the awesome state terror promised to those who dared to resist U.S. power. Not surprisingly, Fallujah became a powerful and instant symbol of American imperialism in the Arab and Muslim worlds. It was a deeply provocative and insulting place for Obama to have chosen to highlight American sacrifice and āresolveā in the imperialist occupation of Iraq.
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āTo Create a Jeffersonian Democracyā
I cannot recount here all the revolting details of U.S. Senator Obamaās support for the Iraq invasion. They are recorded in the fourth chapter (titled āHow Antiwar? Obama, Iraq, and the Audacity of Empireā) of my 2008 book Barack Obama and the Future of American Politics, a rigorously documented deconstruction of the āprogressive Obamaā myth that was predictably ignored by leading shapers of U.S. left-liberal opinion like The Nation.
One such detail that bears repetition here relates to candidate Obamaās take on why Bush invaded Iraq. Released in late 2006 in anticipation of his presidential candidacy announcement, Obamaās book The Audacity of Hope absurdly claimed that the U.S. occupation of Iraq had been launched with the ābest of intentions,ā including a desire to āexport democracy.ā In a similar vein, Obamaās āWay Forwardā speech criticized the Bush administration for invading Iraq because it had unrealistic ādreams of democracy and hopes for a perfect government.ā This was a recurrent Obama theme through the presidential primaries, reflected in the following comment he made to the editors of the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel prior to the Wisconsin presidential primary in February of 2008: āI was always skeptical of the notion that we would walk in there and create a Jeffersonian democracy.ā
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āTime to Stop Spending Billions Trying to Put Iraq Back Togetherā
Consistent with this preposterous notion of the Bush administrationās invasion motives, candidate Obama advanced a curious reason for claiming to be against the Iraq War. āItās time,ā he told autoworkers in Janesville, Wisconsin, āto stop spending billions of dollars a week trying to put Iraq back together and start spending the money putting America back together.ā For those who knew the depth and the degree of the destruction inflicted on Iraq by the U.S., this statement was obscene.
āTrying to put Iraq back together.ā Yes, thatās what the U.S. was doing in Fallujah and across Mesotopamia during the invasion. Enough with all the expensive assistance Uncle Sam had been handing over to those dysfunctional Iraqis!
Orwell would have been awed.
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Right From the Start
Obamaās nauseating comments in Brussels last week are all too richly consistent with this earlier history. His Orwellian position on Iraq was clear from the beginning to any serious investigator with the capacity to read between the lines and connect the dots beyond the blank sheet marketing project that was Obama (voted āAdvertiser of the Yearā by Advertising Age in 2008) in the pre-presidential phase of the Obama phenomenon.
Much the same can be said about Obamaās power-serving positions and policies regarding business power, labor rights, civil rights, racial justice, civil liberties, climate change, government surveillance, immigrant rights, and foreign policy in general, of course. Genuine progressives have no business being dismayed and disappointed as the ādeeply conservativeā (Larissa MacFarquhar, The New Yorker, May 7, 2007) āObama, Inc.ā (Ken Silverstein, Harperās, December 2006) throws peace, justice, and the common good under the bus of the nationās unelected and interrelated dictatorships of money and empire yet again and again. Obama the president is all too consistent with the āmybarackobama.comā on to which countless U.S. āportsidersā mistakenly projected any number of progressive values in 2008. We are far past the time for disappointment and dismay.
Paul Streetās latest publications include āSection 1: Whatās Wrong With Capitalism?ā in Frances Goldin, Debby Smith, and Michael Steven Smith, eds., IMAGINE Living in a Socialist USA (New York: Harper Collins, 2014), and They Rule: The 1% v. Democracy (Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2014, advance order at http://www.paradigmpublishers.com/books/BookDetail.aspx?productID=367810). Street will speak on āAmerican Plutocracy and Prospects for Real Democracyā at Democracy for the USAās 2014 Democracy Forum, 1000 M. Milwaukee, Chicago, IL, Saturday April 5, 2014, 1:30-2:30 pm. Street can be reached at [email protected]
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