The coup attempt led by Jair Bolsonaro and his allies, including former Defense Minister Braga Netto, profoundly impacted Brazil’s fragile democracy, posing an authoritarian threat reminiscent of the military dictatorship era. The Federal Police’s indictment reveals that Bolsonaro and his inner circle, comprising military sectors and former ministers, orchestrated a plan to invalidate the 2022 election and perpetuate Bolsonaro’s power, drawing dangerous parallels to Brazil’s darkest moments. 

The plot aimed to prevent Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva from assuming the presidency by utilizing public apparatus and garnering support from the Armed Forces, particularly the Navy, to foster disinformation, radicalization, and calls for military intervention. The plan, dubbed “Green and Yellow Dagger,” involved the assassination of then-President-elect Lula, Vice President-elect Geraldo Alckmin, and Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes. The Federal Police identified Bolsonaro as the central figure in this conspiracy. 

This coup attempt not only posed a direct threat to Brazil’s democracy but also resurrected the ghosts of the military dictatorship (1964-1985), during which the regime used the armed forces to silence opposition and maintain an authoritarian government, employing inhumane methods of repression, such as psychological, physical, and sexual torture, murders, and even medical experiments on victims, including electroshocks and simulated drownings. Many perpetrators were amnestied and never ideally punished for their crimes against humanity.

It is important to note that in 2014, during a speech in Congress, Bolsonaro defended Colonel Ustra, one of the key figures convicted of torture during the dictatorship. At that time, he also spat on the honored statue of Rubens Paiva, a victim of homicide and body concealment under the dictatorship. Bolsonaro even insulted the Paiva family, accusing them of aiding guerrilla Carlos Lamarca’s escape.

The parallels between Brazil’s military dictatorships are stark when considering Bolsonaro’s relationship with military sectors, which, in the current context, were again inclined to apply anti-democratic methods like manipulating elections and undermining the rule of law. Throughout his term, Bolsonaro made it clear that he intended to militarize governance, even as much of the opposition believed that his democratic rhetoric was impractical within the current Constitution.

Had the coup been successful, it would have led to a government with neofascist characteristics—centralized, authoritarian policies, repression of opposition, and the imposition of a conservative, militaristic ideology. Freedom of expression and the right to protest would have been severely restricted, with any political dissent treated as a threat to the established order, aiming to control all aspects of Brazilian life.

The division within the Armed Forces between those who supported and those who resisted the coup was one of the key factors preventing a greater tragedy. Nevertheless, the coup mobilization, including the invasion of the Three Powers Plaza by Bolsonaro’s supporters, highlighted the fragility of Brazil’s democracy in the face of contemporary authoritarian movements.

In the broader context of rising neofascism worldwide, Bolsonaro’s coup attempt is not an isolated incident. It fits into a broader pattern of attacks on democratic institutions, where populist leaders seek to weaken power structures to maintain absolute control. Brazil, with its scars from the past, remains vulnerable to such threats, especially considering its religious conservatism. One of the most lamentable consequences is that Brazil holds the notorious title of being the country that kills the most trans women in the world. It is ironic how its religious puritanism clashes with the sexualization of women pervasive in Brazilian culture.

The rise of “narco-pentecostalism” also strengthens the country’s political landscape, as seen in the failed capture of “Peixão,” a leader of evangelical-led organized crime, who escaped through a bunker during a police operation mobilizing over 1,000 officers. Corruption within the police undoubtedly played a role in his cinematic escape.

The intersection of the state, military, and religion is a crucial factor making Brazil a fertile ground for the rise of the extreme right. The values embodied in Bolsonaro’s government slogan “God, Homeland, Family” resonate with a new wave of conservative ascendance, a direct legacy of international fascist rhetoric. In Brazil, historical fascism manifested through the Integralista movement of the 1930s, inspired by Plínio Salgado, which promoted authoritarian, anti-communist, and nationalist ideals, which Bolsonaro echoes.

History is repeating itself globally in a concerning way. The revival of the old military dictatorship, even if disguised and cloaked in a “modern” guise, would have placed Brazil on a collision course with the democratic principles that sustain the rule of law.

The Federal Police’s indictment of Bolsonaro and his allies serves as both an analysis of the recent past and a warning for the future. Brazil, like many other countries, must remain vigilant against the signs of authoritarianism that hide under the guise of “order and progress.” Authoritarian regimes rarely announce their ultimate goal from the start—just as Hitler did. 

What we witnessed in Bolsonaro’s coup attempt is a reminder that democracy must be continuously defended. We cannot fall into the popular misconception that authoritarian regimes would not thrive in the modern age. Any right gained can, unfortunately, be easily buried under new coups and decrees.

Only through organized, constant, and strategic activism, by building the future in the present, can we prevent the rise of authoritarian regimes in the world.

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