Patrick Bond kwararre ne a fannin ilimin zamantakewa a Jami'ar Johannesburg, haka nan masanin tattalin arzikin siyasa, masanin kimiyyar siyasa kuma kwararre kan harkar zamantakewa. Shi ne marubucin BRICS: Maganganun 'Yan Jaridu da kuma Babban Rashin Ci gaba: Ƙarfafa Kuɗi, Rikicin Jari-Hujja da Babban Amfani a Afirka ta Kudu da Duniya. A cikin wannan hira da Federico Fuentes don LINKS Labaran Duniya na Sabunta Socialist, Bond ya tattauna hanyoyin sadarwa na zamani da yawa na ikon daular, rawar da kasashen BRICS ke takawa a cikin wannan tsarin, da kuma buƙatar haɗa manufar "musayar muhalli mara daidaituwa" zuwa nazarin mu na mulkin mallaka.
A cikin karnin da ya gabata, mun ga kalmar imperialism da aka yi amfani da ita don ayyana yanayi daban-daban kuma, a wasu lokuta, an maye gurbinsu da ra'ayoyi kamar duniyoyin duniya da mulkin mallaka. Idan aka yi la’akari da wannan, wace ƙima ce ta rage a cikin ra’ayin mulkin mallaka kuma ta yaya kuke ayyana mulkin mallaka a yau?
Tunanin daular mulkin mallaka yana da alaƙa na al'ada tare da gasa tsakanin wasu manyan ƙasashen Turai. Hannun jari-hujja-rikicinsu na cikin gida ya haifar da fadada yanayin da ba a taba ganin irinsa ba, wanda manyan kasuwannin hada-hadar kudi suka saukaka, wanda hakan ya kai ga iyakoki daban-daban. A cikin wannan mahallin, galibi ana tura ikon sojan mulkin mallaka don mamaye ƙasa da kafa tsarin gudanarwa na ƙasa da kuma, daga baya, dangantakar siyasa da tattalin arziki ta zamani ta zamani. Hukumomin mulkin mallaka sun kafa tsarin 'yan sanda, shari'a da tsarin kuɗi waɗanda tsarin jari-hujja ya buƙaci cinye yankuna, damfara al'umma da kuma fitar da albarkatu, tun daga karni na 16 a cikin Birtaniyya, Faransanci, Jamusanci, Dutch, Portuguese, Spanish, Belgium da Italiyanci masu tasiri, da kuma Amurka ta shiga daga baya.
A cikin shekarunmu na yanzu, wannan tsarin mulkin daular ya kasance mai dacewa sosai, tare da ƙarin abin da ya zama mafi mahimmanci bayan yakin duniya na biyu kuma ya kasance ba zai yiwu ba a guje wa tun daga 1990s: tattalin arziki, zamantakewa da al'adu, siyasa da mulkin soja na bayan yakin. {Asar Amirka, ta ƙara yin atisaye ta hanyar cibiyoyi masu zaman kansu da ke da hedkwatar Yamma, waɗanda ayyukansu suka fi dacewa da muradun manyan kamfanoni na ƙasa da ƙasa musamman masu kuɗi. Cibiyoyin daular mulkin mallaka sun hada da Bankin Duniya da Asusun Ba da Lamuni na Duniya (IMF), wanda aka kafa a shekara ta 1944, sannan kuma daga baya kungiyar ciniki ta duniya (WTO, wadda ta kasance babbar yarjejeniya ta 1948 kan haraji da ciniki). Cibiyoyin hada-hadar kudi na Bretton Woods sun fadada sosai a cikin shekarun 80s da 90s a sakamakon hada-hadar banki ta kasuwanci, tare da Bankin Matsuguni na kasa da kasa a matsayin kungiyar manyan bankunan da Amurka, Burtaniya, Turai da Japan suka mamaye. Ana samun ƙarin mahimman tsarin kula da harkokin kuɗi musamman bayan harin da ƙasashen yamma suka kai wa bankunan musulmi biyo bayan harin da Al Qaeda ta kai a watan Satumba na 2001 a New York da Washington.
Dangane da matsala mafi wahala - sauyin yanayi - Yarjejeniyar Tsarin Sauyin yanayi ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya gabaɗaya ta yi amfani da manyan burbushin man fetur da muradun masana'antu. Kamar yadda shaida a Dubai a farkon Disamba, taron koli na sauyin yanayi na duniya na shekara-shekara yana ƙarƙashin ikon daular mulkin mallaka kuma don haka ya kasa tilastawa rage hayakin iskar gas zuwa matakan dorewa - ko kuma har ma da kawar da burbushin mai - yayin da yake ƙin ka'ida mai ma'ana: mai gurɓata ruwa yana biyan diyya. Madadin haka, masu tsara yanayin yanayi na daular mulkin mallaka sun fi son gimmicks irin su kasuwannin carbon wanda, a zahiri, keɓance iska, da fasahar gyara ƙira. Babban cibiyar sadarwa na matsayi wannan tarihi Kungiyoyi masu zaman kansu da philanthro-capitalist sun zama masu ba da gudummawa masu mahimmanci da masu halattar daular sauyin yanayi, kamar yadda kuma yake a kusan kowane fage na fage na manufofin jama'a na duniya.
Ana iya samun ƙarin hanyoyin sadarwa na yau da kullun na ikon daular a dandalin Tattalin Arziki na Duniya da ke tushen Davos, wanda ya ɗauki rigar amana ta kwakwalwar nan gaba, wanda a da ya ƙawata Rukunin Bilderberg da Majalisar Dokokin Amurka kan Harkokin Waje. Hakazalika, yin aiki don siffanta wayewar jama'a, kafofin watsa labaru na kamfanoni da yawancin tankunan tunani masu tasiri na ƙwararrun suna da alhakin akida da dabarun kiyaye tsarin mulkin daular, yanzu suna cikin manyan biranen duniya.
Amma jihohi sun kasance masu mahimmanci, kuma haɗin gwiwar soja, siyasa da tattalin arziki tsakanin manyan biranen manyan biranen sun kasance muhimmin abin da ke bayan dorewar mulkin mallaka. Tun daga shekarun 70s, ƙungiyar G7 sau da yawa tana daidaita ikon jihohin yammacin duniya, dangane da haɗin kai. Ƙungiyar Yarjejeniyar Arewacin Atlantic ta Amurka mai cibiyar Pentagon, NATO, an sake farfado da ita a cikin 'yan shekarun nan, yayin da ƙungiyar leƙen asiri ta Five Eyes (wanda ya shafi Birtaniya, Kanada, Australia da New Zealand) yana daidaita bukatun soja na Anglophone. Kuma Tattaunawar Tsaro ta Quadrilateral ta haɗu da sojojin Japan, Indiya, Australiya da Amurka a Asiya, galibi suna adawa da faɗaɗa China.
Wasu lokuta, ikon daular suna amfani da Kwamitin Tsaro na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya don iko mai fa'ida - duk da cewa sun yarda da sabani na rarrabuwar kawuna da ke da alaƙa da adawar geopolitical - kuma suna ba da damar babban taron Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ya jefa ƙuri'a kan "dokokin tushen doka" musamman don kare haƙƙin doka. Takaddama tsakanin sojojin daular mulkin mallaka, kamar ko za a tallafa wa mamayar Afganistan da Iraki a farkon shekarun 2000, an shawo kan su a yayin da Amurka ta kara karfafa shugabancin Amurka ta hanyar gwamnatin George W Bush da Barack Obama, tare da goyon bayan Birtaniyya. Baya ga keɓancewa guda biyu a Majalisar Dinkin Duniya - haramcin 1987 kan chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) da asusun magunguna na 2002 - manufofin neoliberal sun ci gaba.
A cikin ma'aunin ƙasa, yayin da cutar ta COVID-19 ta haifar da kulle-kullen tattalin arziki a cikin 2020-21, jihohi da yawa sun tsunduma cikin rarraba kudaden shiga na Keynesian da wasu tsoma bakin manufofin masana'antu. Kasar Sin ta kasance babbar kasa ta kasa mai karfin manyan wadanda ba kasuwa ba kuma galibi masu adawa da kasuwa, kamar hana cryptocurrencies, sanya tsauraran matakan musanya, daidaita manyan bayanai da saka hannun jari a cikin kayayyakin jama'a (musamman gyaran muhalli). Amma wannan yana faruwa ne a cikin mahallin: ci gaba da tattara babban jari na kasar Sin, wanda ya haifar da "fita" daga kamfanoni da yawa na masana'antu, musamman tare da tsarin tsarin Belt & Road Initiative, wanda ke nuna fadada ayyukan hakowa.
Yawancin wannan ikon daular yana buƙatar haɗin gwiwar ƙwararrun ƙwararru tare da shugabannin neoliberal na ƙasar da abin ya shafa a cikin kasuwanci da galibin gwamnatoci. Tabbas, tun lokacin da tattalin arzikin duniya ya durkushe a karshen shekarun 2000, da kuma yayin bala'in COVID-19, an samu wani muhimmin sabon salo na hadewar daular, musamman mai hade da kungiyar Brazil-Rasha-Indiya-China-China-African ta Kudu (BRICS). tashi zuwa matakin duniya. HANYA Waɗannan matsakaitan tattalin arziƙin suna taka rawar gani ba kawai a cikin cibiyoyi da yawa ba, amma a cikin rukunin G20 - wanda Indiya ta shirya a 2023, 2024 ta Brazil da 2025 ta Afirka ta Kudu. Amfani da kawayen matsakaitan yanki na yanki don cika ajandar sojan Amurka ba sabon abu bane, tare da Brazil, Turkiyya da, musamman ma, Isra'ila sun cancanci manyan mukamai na mulkin mallaka. Wannan shi ne kalmar Ruy Mauro Marini An ƙirƙira don siffanta dangantakar Washington-Brasilia a cikin 1965, wanda daga baya za a bayyana shi sosai a cikin rukunin LINK na yanki na yanki ta hanyar. Immanuel Wallersteinmakarantar tsarin duniya.
Dan takarar shugaban kasa mai zaman kansa Robert F. Kennedy Jr. ya bayyana cancantar mulkin mallaka ga ikon Amurka, wanda in ba haka ba shi ne babban mai sukar cin zarafin dala tiriliyan daloli na shekara-shekara na soja. Amma a cikin wani hira a ranar 5 ga Nuwamba, RFK Jr ya yi alkawarin cewa idan aka zabe shi a karshen 2024, zai tabbatar da cewa muna da albarkatun da ke da mahimmanci a gare mu, ciki har da albarkatun mai da ke da mahimmanci ga duniya, cewa muna da karfin yajin aikin don tabbatar da cewa muna da albarkatun da ke da mahimmanci a gare mu. a iya kare wadanda. Kuma Isra'ila tana da mahimmanci, kuma dalilin da ya sa take da muhimmanci shi ne domin ta kasance katanga a gare mu a Gabas ta Tsakiya. Kusan kamar samun jirgin sama ne a Gabas ta Tsakiya.”
Wannan mummunan ɗanyen aiki ne, ko da yake gaskiya ne, sigar ƙawancen daular Washington da ake so. Wani karin tunani gabaɗaya shine a cikin gudanar da tsarin jari-hujja, kamar lokacin da matsin tattalin arziƙin ya tashi a 2008-11 da 2020-22 kuma duka gwamnatocin masarautu da na masarautu sun yi amfani da G20 da IMF don daidaita faɗaɗa kuɗi, bailouts na banki da rage yawan ribar riba da sauri. .
Kun zayyana jerin runduna da cibiyoyi na mulkin mallaka. Amma ta yaya za mu fahimci rikice-rikicen tattalin arziki da siyasa da suke fuskanta a yanzu, misali a cikin yanayin tashin hankalin Amurka da Rasha?
Manyan sauye-sauye a cikin tsarin tara jari suna nunawa a cikin tsayayyen tsarin mulkin daular mulkin mallaka. Tun daga shekarun 1970, lokacin da yanayin rikicin jari-hujja ya sake kunno kai, Gabashin Asiya ya zama zaɓin saka hannun jari mai ban sha'awa ga kamfanonin da ke fuskantar ƙarancin riba a Yamma. Haɗin gwiwar kasuwanci, saka hannun jari da kuɗi na duniya ya haɓaka, wanda ya haifar da zuwan petrodollars ( ajiyar tattalin arzikin man fetur) da Eurodollars, wanda ya sanya kuɗi a cikin manyan wuraren hada-hadar kuɗi na Yamma. Sa'an nan, rugujewar tsarin kuɗi na Neoliberal da Amurka/Birtaniya ke jagoranta, wanda ya fara a farkon shekarun 80s, ya ba da izinin haɓakar haɓakar bashi, sabbin samfuran kuɗi da babban jari mai hasashe. Haɓaka yawan kuɗin ruwa - wanda aka sanya daga Washington a cikin 1979 don magance hauhawar farashin kayayyaki na Amurka - ya jawo mafi yawan kuɗaɗen saka hannun jari na Yamma zuwa cikin da'irar kuɗi na babban birni. Kuma tattalin arzikin Tarayyar Turai ya zama mafi daidaituwa, ƙarancin rarrabuwar kawuna na ikon jari-hujja, tare da kuɗi guda a farkon shekarun 1990. Hakazalika, ayyukan kula da cibiyoyi da yawa dangane da ƙasashe masu bin bashi sun fi biyan bukatun kamfanoni da bankunan ƙasa da ƙasa, musamman ma da zarar rikicin bashi na 80s ya miƙa ikon siyasa ga Bankin Duniya da IMF. Wannan bangaren hada-hadar kudi na mulkin mallaka ya sake zama babbar matsala a sakamakon cikar bashin kasashe da yawa na COVID-19.
A cikin wannan mahallin, matsin lamba daban-daban na geopolitical da rikice-rikice na soja sun zama mafi muni a cikin 2010s - galibi suna bayyana a matsayin yaƙe-yaƙe a Ukraine da Gabas ta Tsakiya a halin yanzu, amma mai yuwuwa kuma cikin rikice-rikicen da ke da alhakin barkewar kowane lokaci a Tsakiyar Tsakiya. Asiya, tsaunin Himalayan, Tekun Kudancin China da yankin Koriya. Tabbas waɗannan rarrabuwa za su iya haɓaka cikin sauri, tare da ɗaukar manyan muradun juna tare da samar da tunanin "sansanin" - Yamma da China / Rasha wanda ake kira daidaitawa da yawa, wanda hakan ya yi tasiri sosai ga masu adawa da mulkin mallaka a duk faɗin duniya.
Rikice-rikicen sun kai ga ƙaura na ma'aikata, kasuwanci da kuɗi, kamar yadda aka shaida ta haɓakar kyamar baki da kuma ra'ayoyin dama na "ɗayan duniya". Wadannan sun kasance masu ban sha'awa a cikin nasarar masu ra'ayin mazan jiya a cikin kuri'u uku na 2016: Brexit, Donald Trump a Amurka, da Rodrigo Duterte a Philippines, sai sauran kuri'un da suka hada da Brazil, Italiya, da kuma Argentina da Netherlands. Ƙarƙashin rashin imani a cikin siyasar masu sassaucin ra'ayi ba wai kawai rashin sarrafa abin da suka yarda ba shine abin da ake kira "polycrisis" da ke bayyana a bangarori daban-daban na nauyin da ke tattare da bangarori daban-daban, amma har ma da raguwar yawancin rabon duniya (musamman cinikayya / GDP) bayan 2008 sakamakon sakamakon. a cikin "deglobalization" ko menene The Economist sharuddan"slowbalisation” da sabon rahoton Majalisar Dinkin Duniya kan ciniki da ci gaba (UNCTAD) yana nufin “saurin tsayawa” girma. Wannan takarda ta UNCTAD ta furta "fa'idar da ba ta dace ba daga hada-hadar kasuwanci," wanda tun daga 2021 ya fara samar da "sabon tattalin arzikin siyasa na gudanar da kasuwanci" bisa "gina sarkar samar da kayayyaki, tallafawa canjin makamashi mai adalci, samar da ayyuka masu kyau, magance cin hanci da rashawa da kamfanoni. guje wa haraji, da haɓaka amintattun ababen more rayuwa na dijital" - duk waɗannan suna ba da fifiko ga "ɗayan duniya gabaɗaya, 'yanci na kasuwanci musamman."
Baya ga wadannan kurakuran da aka amince da su a cikin tsarin, yakin cinikayya tsakanin Amurka da Sin, wanda ya fara a cikin 2017, da kuma mamayar da Rasha ta yi wa Ukraine a shekarar 2022 na nuna karin sabani da iyaka a cikin fadada yankin babban birnin kasar. Tabarbarewar akidar masu ra'ayin mazan jiya da ke adawa da tsarin mulkin neo-con zai ci gaba da bata manajoji da cibiyoyi na daular, kamar yadda aka shaida a lokacin mulkin Trump.
Amma da yawa irin waɗannan rikice-rikice - waɗanda aka haife su daga sabani na jari-hujja na cikin gida - ba a zahiri ba ne tsakanin sarakunan. Suna nuna halin dan damfara a cikin mulkin mallaka - wanda shugaban Rasha Vladimir Putin ya ketare layin ta hanyar mamaye Crimea a 2014 da sauran Ukraine a 2022 - da kuma cikin mulkin mallaka - alal misali lokacin da baitulmalin Amurka ta dauki tsauraran matakai kan hada-hadar kudi ta duniya ta Rasha. , korar Moscow daga babban tsarin hada-hadar kudi na banki tare da kwace dala biliyan dari da yawa na jami'anta da kuma kadarorin oligarch da aka tarwatsa cikin rashin kulawa.
Yana da wahala a yi la'akari da mulkin mallaka na zamani ba tare da aƙalla taɓa duk waɗannan abubuwan ba da ambaton cibiyoyin da ke ƙarƙashin ikon daular. Tun daga zamanin mulkin mulkin Lenin, tsarin ya samo asali ne zuwa cibiyar sadarwa mai rikitarwa da ke da alhakin sarrafa abubuwan da ke cikin babban birnin duniya na duk abin da ke ƙarƙashin rana, a wani ɓangare ta hanyar kawar da yanayin rikicin ta hanyar rashin daidaituwa da haɓaka haɓaka. Muna buƙatar kayan aikin ra'ayi - musamman ma mulkin mallaka, kodayake kalmar tana da banƙyama ga masu kishin ƙasa na duniya na uku - don kai hari ga kowane ɗayan waɗannan matakan. Wannan zai, a cikin tsari, ya ƙyale mu mu wuce sauƙaƙan fassarar anti-imperialist na "maƙiyi abokina abokina ne," wanda sau da yawa ana samun shi a cikin abin da ake kira tunanin sansanin. Bayan haka, Putin da kansa ya bayyana a jajibirin mamayar Ukraine yadda ya yi la'akari da gadon Lenin Bolshevik na raba mulki ga kabilanci. barazana a cikin salon mafioso: “Kuna son yanke hukunci? Da kyau, wannan ya dace da mu daidai. Amma me yasa ya tsaya rabin hanya? A shirye muke mu nuna abin da ainihin yanke shawara zai iya nufi ga Ukraine. " MAHADI
Duk da haka, abokin gaba-aboki-abokina - alal misali, goyon bayan mamayewar Putin, a wani bangare saboda suna daukar China a matsayin mai tsaron gurguzu ta duniya - har yanzu tana kan gaba "yanayi", kamar yadda Vijay Prashad ya ba da wannan ra'ayi ga siyasar Duniya ta Kudu. LINK Irin waɗannan ra'ayoyin suna bayyana akai-akai ta hanyar jagorancin manyan rundunonin hagu biyar a nan Afirka ta Kudu: the Economic Freedom Fighters, the Radical Economic Transformation part of the African National African National. Majalisa, Jam'iyyar Kwaminisanci ta Afirka ta Kudu, da manyan fuka-fuki biyu na kungiyoyin kwadago - Congress of African Trade Unions and the National Union of Metalworkers of Africa ta Kudu. Don haka, ƙayyadaddun da muke amfani da su suna ƙara zama masu mahimmanci, misali a cikin gwagwarmayar mamayewar Rasha na Ukraine da Isra'ila-Amurka na kisan kare dangi, tare da daidaitaccen layin bincike.
Tattaunawa a hagu game da mulkin mallaka a yau sau da yawa suna komawa zuwa littafin Lenin kan batun. Nawa ne littafin Lenin ya rage a yau kuma waɗanne abubuwa, idan akwai, aka maye gurbinsu da ci gaba na gaba?
Ee, dukanmu mun koma ga ɗan ƙaramin Littafi Mai Tsarki - don haka bari mu yi la'akari da ƙarfinsa, amma har da rauninsa. Babban bayanin ya ƙunshi siffofi guda biyar na tsarin haɗin gwiwar tsarin jari-hujja na duniya a cikin wannan haɗin kai na musamman, wanda ya nuna isashen balaga don yin aiki tare: ƙaddamar da babban jari da samarwa; babban jarin kuɗi yana haɗa masana'antu, ƙasa da babban jari a ƙarƙashin ikon bankuna; fitar da jari; monopolies da cartels waɗanda ke aiki a kan iyakoki; da kuma rarrabuwar kawuna a tsakanin manyan 'yan jari hujja, wanda ya fi fitowa fili a Berlin "Scramble for Africa" a 1884-85 da kuma - kamar yadda ya gama rubutawa. Tsarin mulkin mallaka - May 1916 Birtaniya-Faransa-Russian Sykes-Picot Yarjejeniyar daular Usmaniyya. A hanyoyi dabam-dabam, dukan waɗannan halaye sun bayyana a yau.
Amma aƙalla lahani biyu sun fito fili. Da farko, ku tuna da 1929 da masanin tattalin arziki na Makarantar Frankfurt ya yi, Henryk Grossman, zuwa wani ra'ayi na Lenin kuma, a gabansa, Rudolf Hilferding: "babban kudi". A cikin mahimmanci babi na uku of Imperialism, Lenin ya nace: “Halayen jari-hujja ne gabaɗaya cewa mallakar jari ya rabu da aikace-aikacen babban jari don samarwa, an raba kuɗin kuɗin daga masana'antu ko babban jari mai albarka, da kuma mai haya wanda ke rayuwa gabaɗaya akan kuɗin shiga da aka samu daga jarin kuɗi. , an rabu da dan kasuwa da kuma duk wanda ya damu kai tsaye a cikin kula da jari. Imperialism, ko mamayar babban jarin kuɗi, shine mafi girman matakin jari-hujja wanda wannan rarrabuwar ta kai ga ƙima mai yawa. Maɗaukakin babban jarin kuɗi akan duk wasu nau'ikan jari yana nufin fifikon mai haya da na oligarchy na kuɗi; yana nufin cewa ƴan ƴan jahohin ‘masu ƙarfi’ sun yi fice a cikin sauran.”
Mafi yawan mai son kawo sauyi na dimokuradiyya fiye da Lenin, Hilferding ya ba da shawara a cikin 1910 cewa "mallakar manyan bankunan Berlin guda shida yana nufin mallakar mafi mahimmancin sassa na manyan masana'antu." Kalmar babban birnin kasar ta nuna ikon sashen - wanda Lenin da Hilferding suka ba da misalai da yawa - amma ba rauninsa da sabani ba, kamar yadda Grossman presciently yayi gardama kafin faduwar tattalin arzikin duniya na 1929-31 a cikin littafinsa, Ka'idar tarawa da rushewar tsarin jari hujja: nazari a ka'idar rikicin Marxian.
Na biyu, tsarin da Lenin ya yi ya ɗauka cewa fadace-fadacen tsakanin kamfanoni - goyon bayan jihohin da ke wakiltar bukatunsu - zai bayyana matakin mulkin jari-hujja, sabanin fahimtar farko da Rosa Luxemburg ta fayyace a 1913. Domin ta, saboda “lalacewar babban jari daga wannan reshe na samarwa zuwa wani, kuma a ƙarshe a cikin sauye-sauye na lokaci-lokaci da cyclical na haifuwa tsakanin haɓakar haɓakawa da rikice-rikice… tarin jari wani nau'in haɓaka ne tsakanin tattalin arzikin jari-hujja da waɗancan hanyoyin da aka riga aka samu na jari hujja. na samar da abin da ba zai iya ci gaba da shi ba tare da shi ba, kuma a cikin wannan yanayin, yana lalata kuma yana daidaitawa. " Damuwar da ke cikin binciken Luxemburg shine yadda tsarin mulkin mallaka ya biyo baya daga ikon jari-hujja, fuskantar al'umma, yanayi da jihohi na farko: "Dangantakar da ba ta jari-hujja tana ba da ƙasa mai albarka don jari-hujja; a tsanake: babban jari yana ciyar da rugujewar irin wannan dangantaka, kuma duk da cewa wannan miliyon da ba ‘yan jari-hujja ba abu ne da ba dole ba ne don tarawa, na ƙarshe yana samun kuɗin wannan matsakaicin duk da haka, ta hanyar cinye shi. Lenin ya ɗauki irin waɗannan gardama a matsayin "sharar gida" kuma ya rubuta littafin Luxemburg a matsayin "labari mai ban tsoro". Amma karnin da ya biyo baya ya tabbatar da cewa ko da a lokacin mulkin mallaka na yammacin turai ba gasa ba ne wanda wani babban soja ne kawai ya mamaye shi, mafi girman nau'ikan tarawa ta hanyar kwacewa - kamar yadda Dauda Harvey ya sake sanya wa irin wannan satar jari-hujja/na satar jari-hujja - yawanci tsarin jari-hujja yana ɗaukar lokacin da ake buƙatar maye gurbinsa na ɗan lokaci. Ma'aikata marasa galihu, jin daɗin jin daɗin rayuwa, mai da hannun jari da kuma isar da masana'antu masu fa'ida cikin abin da Marx ya kira "kyauta na yanayi kyauta” bayyanuwa ne bayyananne.
Sauran martani guda biyu game da rikici, masu mahimmanci tun lokacin da aka fara da'irori na babban birnin kasar, shine abin da Harvey ya kira "gyaran sararin samaniya" - canjin yanki na babban birnin zuwa wuraren da ke da fa'ida - da kuma "daidaitawar lokaci" - wanda ikon murkushe babban birnin kasar. A tsawon lokaci ya dogara da tsarin kuɗi na yau da kullun, ta yadda za a biya daga baya amma cinye yanzu, don lalata kasuwannin da ke cike da cunkoso. Sakamakon shine "sabon mulkin mallaka” ya fi dogaro fiye da kowane lokaci akan canzawa, tsayawa da sata don murkushe babban birnin da ya taru a fagagen tattalin arziki da sassan da ba a bayyana ba, maimakon fuskantar cikakkar lalacewar nau'in Balaguro na 1930.
Wannan yana nufin yana da mahimmanci a fahimci wane gyare-gyare, ko aka tsara ko ake yi, zai ba da damar ci gaba da ƙaura daga matsugunan jarin da aka taru, kuma don haka sauƙaƙe farfaɗowar daular mulkin mallaka, wanda kuma ke kan hanya. A shekarar 1964 Dabarun Aiki, Masanin ilimin zamantakewa na Faransa Andre Gorz ya yi izgili da ƙananan gyare-gyaren da suka dace da buƙatun daular mulkin mallaka a matsayin "gyare-gyaren gyaran fuska" da kuma waɗanda ke lalata babban ra'ayi na siyasa da tattalin arziki a matsayin "gyare-gyaren da ba a gyara ba". Wannan bambance-bambancen yana buƙatar ƙwararrun masu adawa da mulkin mallaka su ƙetare dangantakarsu ta yanzu tare da dangantakar tsakanin ƙasashe, a wani ɓangare saboda yadda BRICS+ ta kasance cikin haɗin kai tsakanin bangarori da yawa.
Bisa la’akari da sauye-sauyen da aka samu a cikin ƙarni da suka shige, wane nauyi na ɗanɗano ne na hanyoyin cin zarafin daular mulkin mallaka suke da shi a yau, idan aka kwatanta da na baya?
Babban tasiri ya kunno kai sama da sama da ƙasan ƙasa kuma ana samunsa a cikin manyan cibiyoyin mulkin mallaka da aka tattauna yanzu. Wannan shine dalilin da ya sa kasashen Yamma suka saba damuwa game da kara wahala - amma duk da haka yana da mahimmanci - hadewar BRICS a cikin tsarin ikon duniya, kuma yanzu ƙarin mambobinta biyar (yana zaton Argentina ta ƙi gayyatarsa) - Ƙwararrun mulkin mallaka na Amurka Saudi Arabia, Hadaddiyar Daular Larabawa da Masar, da Habasha, da Iran makiya Washington.
Kasar Sin ita ce mafi muhimmanci, kuma a tsakiyar 2014, Obama ya kasance tambaye ta babban ɗan lokaci na mulkin mallaka game da al'amuran assimilation:
Masanin Tattalin Arziki: Za ka ga kasashe irin su Sin suna kirkiro bankin BRICS, misali - cibiyoyi da ake ganin sun yi daidai da tsarin, maimakon haka - kuma suna iya yin matsin lamba kan tsarin maimakon kara shi da karfafa shi. Wannan shi ne babban batu, shin kasar Sin za ta shiga cikin wannan tsarin ne ko kuma tana kalubalantarsa. Wannan shine ainihin babban batu na zamaninmu, ina tsammanin.
Obama: Yana da. Kuma ina ganin yana da muhimmanci ga Amurka da Turai su ci gaba da maraba da kasar Sin a matsayin cikakkiyar abokiya a cikin wadannan ka'idoji na kasa da kasa. Yana da mahimmanci a gare mu mu gane cewa akwai lokutan da za a sami tashin hankali da rikice-rikice. Amma ina ganin wadanda za a iya sarrafa su. Kuma na yi imani cewa, yayin da kasar Sin ta karkatar da tattalin arzikinta daga kasancewa kasa mai rahusa a duniya, zuwa son daukaka darajar darajarta, sai kwatsam batutuwan da suka hada da kare kadarori na fasaha suka fi dacewa da kamfanoninsu, ba ga kamfanonin Amurka kadai ba. .
Dabarun maraba gabaɗaya sun biya. A farkon shekarar 2017, a jajibirin rantsar da Trump, [Shugaban kasar Sin] Xi Jinping. furta A Davos cewa zai yi farin ciki ya karbi rigar daga Obama: "Tattalin arzikin duniya ya karfafa ci gaban duniya da sauƙaƙe zirga-zirgar kayayyaki da jari, ci gaban kimiyya, fasaha da wayewa, da hulɗar tsakanin mutane ... Ko kuna so ko a'a, tattalin arzikin duniya. shine babban teku wanda ba za ku iya tserewa daga gare shi ba. Duk wani yunƙuri na katse kwararar jari, fasahohi, kayayyaki, masana'antu da jama'a tsakanin tattalin arziki, da mayar da ruwan teku zuwa cikin keɓantattun tabkuna da rafuka, ba zai yiwu ba.
Wani tsohon mataimakin shugaban bankin raya kasashe na BRICS, Paulo Battista, ya yi tsokaci iri daya da Obama a kulob din Valdai da ke kasar Rasha kwanan nan, a wani fage mai fa'ida. sukar kai na wancan banki da kuma Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA), wanda ake nufin ya zama madadin IMF: “Bari in tabbatar muku cewa lokacin da muka fara da CRA da NDB, akwai damuwa sosai kan abin da BRICS ke yi. a wannan yanki a Washington, DC, a cikin IMF da kuma a bankin duniya. Zan iya shaida hakan saboda na zauna a can a lokacin, a matsayin Babban Darakta na Brazil da sauran ƙasashe a cikin Hukumar IMF. Yayin da lokaci ya wuce, duk da haka, mutane a Washington sun huta, suna ganin watakila ba za mu je ko'ina ba. "
Babu inda daban-daban, don zama daidai. Don haka duk da sukar da ake yi na hagu-hagu na Yamma, akwai haɗin kai-dama tare da samar da ikon kamfanoni na mulkin mallaka a cikin ajanda da yawa waɗanda yamma da BRICS+ ke goyan bayan gabaɗaya. Gabaɗayan manufar gudanarwar daular/ƙarar daular ta kasance ta kasance faɗaɗa ƙa'idodi da ayyukan haɓakawa cikin kowane fanni na rayuwa da yanayin ɗan adam, wanda Babban Bayanai ke haɓakawa, haɓaka ƙarfin sa ido, basirar wucin gadi da sauran sabbin fasahohi. Ko da lokacin da ake buƙatar kayayyakin jama'a na duniya cikin gaggawa, kamar cire kayan fasaha daga sabbin makamashi da sabbin abubuwa, ko kuma a cikin jiyya da sarrafa allurar rigakafi, WTO ta tabbatar da mahimmanci duk da rarrabuwar kawuna, irin su Indiya da Afirka ta Kudu suna neman hanawa don magance COVID -19 - Matsayin da suka ja da baya a tsakiyar 2022 lokacin da Brazil, Rasha da China ba su taimaka wajen shawo kan juriyar Babban Pharma na Turai ba.
Tsarin hadewar ya dade yana dacewa da hada-hadar manyan kudade - da kuma sabon tsarin jari-hujja na kasa da kasa da ke da kariyar haraji da kuma zama 'yan kasa da yawa - a tsawon lokacin ciniki mai tasowa, saka hannun jari na kasashen waje da zirga-zirgar hada-hadar kudi ta kan iyaka, har zuwa lokacin kololuwar dunkulewar duniya a shekarar 2008. Akidar da aka amince da ita a duk fadin duniya tana da matukar muhimmanci - abin da ake kira Yarjejeniyar Washington - kuma har yanzu ana alakanta shi da sayar da hannun jari, rarrabuwar kawuna, fitar da kayayyaki, kassara, manufofin jama'a na tushen kasuwa da ɗimbin dabarun satar jama'a da masu zaman kansu. , yayin da aka sake tabbatar da manufofin tsuke bakin aljihu (bayan dakatawar 2020-22 na ɗan lokaci).
A wajen kula da muhalli, akidar zamanantar da muhalli ta hada imani da fasaha da kasuwanni. Dangane da manufofin zamantakewa, yunƙurin sake fasalin mulkin mallaka da kafa yarjejeniyar zamantakewa ya ci tura, baya ga shekaru 2020-21 na gaggawa na COVID-19. Madadin haka, za a iya samun sabuwar barazana a cikin dabarun “haɗin kai na kuɗi” don yin amfani da tallafin tsabar kuɗi ta hanyar ba da lamuni mai ƙayatarwa, kamar yadda sabon shugaban Bankin Duniya Ajay Banga ya kirkira ta cikin wani yanayi mai muni a Afirka ta Kudu shekaru goma da suka gabata.
Kwatanta wannan akida da ta ayyukan daular da ta gabata, irin su mulkin mallaka na wariyar launin fata, ko Jamus Bismarck wacce ta fara samar da walwala, ko kuma yadda mulkin mallaka da sabon tsarin mulkin mallaka suka haifar da ƙwazo a cikin manyan ƙasashe masu jari-hujja, ko kuma Keynesianism bayan yaƙi tsare-tsaren dimokuradiyya na zamantakewar al'umma wanda manyan kasashen Amurka da na Turai suka tsara yadda za su maye gurbin hanyoyin Soviet da Sinawa. Imperialism na yau shine mafi muni, tsattsauran ra'ayi da tasiri. Neoliberalism yana haifar da tsarin jari-hujja wanda ba shi da tushe wanda ke durkushe ikon mallaka kuma ya ƙunshi tsarin iko na duniya wanda hatta kamfanonin ƙasashen BRICS sun dogara ga cibiyoyin Washington-Geneva-New York don fitar da riba sama da ƙasa da sarkar darajar duniya, wanda a cikinsa. Shanghai-Mumbai-Johannesburg-Sao Paulo babban birnin kasar sau da yawa yakan yi datti aikin hakar da masana'anta amma da wuya ya tara mafi yawan ribar da ke cikin R&D, tallace-tallace da bayar da kuɗi.
Zai bayyana cewa, musamman ma bayan taron BRICS+ na Johannesburg a watan Agusta, wasu masana da suka bar masana da a da suna kallon BRICS a matsayin masu kalubalantar mulkin mallaka na yammacin turai, yanzu sun fi nuna shakku kan yuwuwar siyasa mai yawa? Kuna samun wannan tunanin kuma? Wace ƙima, idan akwai, hagu ya kamata ya ba da ra'ayi mai yawa, idan aka yi la'akari da abin da kuka zayyana game da rawar da ƙasashen BRICS ke takawa a cikin tsarin mulkin mallaka?
Ina ganin haka lamarin yake, kuma ya samo asali ne saboda gazawar wancan taron na ci gaba da shirin rage dala. Daya bayyana tattaunawa game da wannan batu ya faru a watan Satumba. Anan ga wasu sassan:
PEPE ESCOBAR: “Babu wani abu da BRICS za ta iya yi muddin IMF ta ci gaba da yin fatali… Gaskiyar cewa Sabon Bankin Ci Gaba, Bankin BRICS, a zahiri, da gaske, kamar yadda Glazyev ke faɗi koyaushe, har yanzu yana da dala. Kuma ta yaya za su kubuta daga gaskiyar cewa an yi musu dala?… ta yaya za mu rage dala daga bankin BRICS, sabon bankin raya kasa? Wannan dai wani abu ne da Dilma Rousseff, tsohuwar shugabar kasar Brazil, wacce a yanzu ita ce shugabar hukumar NDB, ta bayyana hakan a 'yan watannin da suka gabata, kuma ta bayyana hakan a yayin taron kasashen BRICS. Ah, burin mu shine mu sami kashi 30% na lamunin mu suna ƙetare dala a cikin ƴan shekaru masu zuwa. Amma wannan gaba daya goro ne. Ya kamata ya zama kamar 70% ko 80% a yanzu. Kuma za ku jira 30% na shekara mai zuwa ko a cikin shekaru biyu. Don haka wannan yana nufin cewa har yanzu banki ne gabaɗaya. Me za a yi, Radhika da Michael?
RADHIKA DESAI: To, bari in fara. Don haka zan ce babban abin da ya kamata mu fahimta shi ne, Sabon Bankin Raya Kasa ba inda ya kamata mu duba ba idan muna duban hanyoyin rage dala. Na yarda cewa ya kasance a cikin tsarin IMF da Bankin Duniya da sauransu… muna yin la'akari da haɗin gwiwa tsakanin… Dala a zahiri ba ta da ƙarfi kamar yadda kuke tsammani. Don haka, ina tsammanin wannan zai zama ja da baya…
MICHAEL HUDSON: "Matsalar da BRICS ke da ita ba kawai guje wa IMF ba ce. Ta yaya a duniya za su iya samun damar saka hannun jarinsu na jama'a a kan ababen more rayuwa da tituna da abubuwan da muka yi magana akai idan har za su biya bashin da ake da su na dala na kasashen waje da aka ci karo da su a karkashin tallafin IMF… To idan kun kasance. don samun falsafar da ta saba da tsohuwar mulkin mallaka na tattalin arziki, dole ne ku sanya BRICS su rabu daga yamma, ba kawai kasuwanci a tsakanin ku ba, amma kuna cewa, za mu dakatar da bashin kasashen waje."
Wadanda har yanzu suna gaskanta BRICS sune ko kuma suna iya zama masu adawa da mulkin mallaka, maimakon 'yan mulkin mallaka, suna buƙatar yin gwagwarmaya da tambayoyi masu zuwa:
- Me yasa daraktocin BRICS a Cibiyoyin Bretton Woods suke goyan bayan halin da ake ciki, wanda baitulmalin su da manyan bankunan tsakiya ke goyan bayansu?
- Me yasa babban fayil ɗin BRICS NDB ya bayyana ba kawai dala ba bisa ka'ida ba (tunda yawancin lamuni da gaske ana nufin kayan aiki waɗanda ba sa buƙatar shigo da dalar Amurka), amma kuma suna ƙarƙashin amincewar hukumomin kiredit na New York (don haka NDB ta shiga. takunkumin anti-Moscow a farkon Maris 2022) don haka don haka mai lalata zamantakewar al'umma-hallace da cin hanci da rashawa?
- Me ya sa mafi yawan masu neman rancen BRICS daga IMF/Banki - Afirka ta Kudu - bai fara tambayar menene bashin da ya gada da cin hanci da rashawa ba?
- Me yasa, lokacin da Putin ya kasa biyan bashin kasashen waje na Rasha a tsakiyar 2022, babu abin da ya faru da gaske a sakamakon kai tsaye, kuma me yasa a zahiri yake son ci gaba da biya?
- Menene ƙungiyoyin zamantakewa da muke buƙatar sanyawa a cikin Afirka ta Kudu da sauran ƙasashen BRICS don cimma nasara ga "falsafanci wanda ya saba da tsohuwar mulkin mallaka na kudi na necolonialist"?
- Idan duk muna son de-dollarisation kuma ɗayan hanyoyin zuwa wannan shine durkushewar kuɗi na Yammacin Turai, to menene darussan da muka koya daga Ƙididdigar Easing, bailouts, ƙarancin riba da sauran dabarun ceton babban bankin Yammacin Turai daga 2008-13 da 2020- 21 - kuma ta yaya tsarin yanke hukunci zai yi nasara yayin da hukumomin hada-hadar kudi na Yamma suna da kowane irin cin zarafi da azabtarwa, kuma bankunan BRICS da kamfanoni sun dogara sosai kan ciniki, saka hannun jari da kudi na Yammacin Turai?
Hanya daya tilo da za a amsa wadannan tambayoyin ita ce a matsawa daga ra'ayoyin ra'ayi da yawa zuwa mafi dacewa, tsattsauran ra'ayi, ta hanyar tsara BRICS a matsayin babban karfi na mulkin mallaka (duk da cewa yana da siffofi na "hadin gwiwar adawa”), zana, sabuntawa da faɗaɗa ra’ayoyin tare da waɗannan layin Ruy Mauro Marini, David Harvey, Sam Moyo da Paris Yeros, Samir Amin da sauransu.
Galibin tattaunawar da ake yi kan mulkin mallaka a yau an mayar da hankali ne kan musanya mara daidaito a matsayin hanyar isar da rarar kimar da aka yi amfani da ita zuwa kasashen daular. A cikin rubuce-rubucenku kuna ɗaga manufar "musayar muhalli mara daidaituwa". Za ku iya bayyana abin da kuke nufi da wannan kuma me yasa yunƙurin nazarin mulkin mallaka na zamani ke buƙatar haɗa wannan ra'ayin?
Wannan yana da mahimmanci, idan aka yi la'akari da yadda sarƙoƙi masu amfani da ƙimar duniya da rikice-rikicen muhalli ke barazana ga mu duka. Amin ya bayyana yawancin asusun daular da suka yi watsi da lalata albarkatun da ba za a iya sabunta su ba cikin tsanaki a cikin littafinsa na 2010. Dokar Kimar Duniya: “Tarin jari-hujja ya samo asali ne a kan lalata tushen duk wata dukiya: mutane da muhallinsu. An dau tsawon karni daya da rabi har sai da masana muhallinmu suka sake gano gaskiyar hakan, yanzu a makance a bayyane. Gaskiya ne cewa Marxism na tarihi ya wuce gogewa a kan nazarin da Marx ya ci gaba a kan wannan batu kuma ya ɗauki ra'ayi na bourgeoisie - wanda aka kwatanta da ra'ayi na 'ma'ana'' a lokaci-lokaci - dangane da cin gajiyar albarkatun ƙasa. ”
Ko da wanda nake sha'awar saboda tsantsar sukar sa game da ƙungiyoyin riba, Michael Roberts, ya faɗi ga gogewar muhalli lokacin da yake jayayya - a cikin kwanan nan. links hira - cewa akwai "ci gaba da canja wurin darajar ragi a cikin nau'i na riba, haya da sha'awa daga gefen" amma ba tare da cikakken bayani game da canja wurin dukiyar da ba ta ƙare ba da kuma tasirin gurɓataccen abu, musamman ma iskar carbon dioxide. Don haka, yayin da ya ambaci “hako albarkatun kasa” a matsayin daya daga cikin abubuwan da ake turawa daga Kudu zuwa Arewa, binciken sarkar darajarsa ya yi watsi da rawar da masana’antun sarrafa kayan masarufi da albarkatun mai. Haka kuma, saboda Roberts ya yi watsi da yadda ake samun raguwar dukiyar da BRICS ke aiwatarwa, lissafin da ya yi game da canjin “ragi” na Kudancin zuwa Arewa bai fi kididdigar GDP na bourgeois na tattalin arziki ba, wanda ingantaccen asusun shiga a cikin tattalin arziki. dogara ga hakar kayayyaki da kyau za a gyara don ƙarancin albarkatun da ba za a iya sabunta su ba, gurɓatacciyar ƙasa, hayaƙi mai gurɓataccen iska da kuma haifuwar aikin da ba a biya ba.
Ta wajen yin la’akari da wannan, Roberts zai iya yin watsi da zarginmu kamar haka: “Wasu mutane suna magana game da ‘ƙarƙashin mulkin mallaka,’ inda wata ƙasa ke cin moriyar mulkin daular amma kuma, tana cin maƙwabtanta haka. Hujjojin hujja akan hakan suna da rauni sosai. Rasha, China, Indiya, Brazil da Afirka ta Kudu ba sa samun yawa ta hanyar ragi daga kasuwanci da saka hannun jari a kasashe matalauta - ba komai idan aka kwatanta da kungiyar 'yan mulkin mallaka. Don haka, ban da tabbacin tsarin mulkin mallaka yana da amfani mai amfani. " Amma a haƙiƙa akwai ƙwaƙƙarfan shaida mai ƙarfi ga matakai uku na dawowa kan saka hannun jari a cikin masarautu, daular daular da tattalin arzikin ƙasa, ko da ba tare da haɗa albarkatun ƙasa ba. Idan Roberts bai sami tabbataccen shaida ba don canja wurin daga ƙasashe matalauta masu arzikin albarkatu zuwa masu tsattsauran ra'ayi na tsaka-tsaki da masana'antun a cikin sarkar darajar duniya, wani ɓangare ne saboda ya “wuce mai gogewa” akan duk ire-iren waɗannan mu'amalar muhalli marasa daidaituwa. Wannan ya ba shi damar kiran sakamakon bincike na gudummawar da gwamnatocin kasashen duniya ke bayarwa ga ci gaban da ba daidai ba da kuma hadewa "rauni", da kuma kiran kasar Sin "ba tattalin arzikin jari-hujja ba" - duk da cewa tattalin arzikin Afirka yana raguwa da gaske saboda ma'adanai da raguwar albarkatun mai. da kamfanonin hakar ma'adinai da mai na kasar Sin.
Gaskiya ne cewa Roberts da Guglielmo Carcheddi suna kula da albarkatu da bala'in yanayi tare da ƙarin hankali a cikin littafinsu, Jari-hujja a Karni na Ashirin da Daya Ta Hanyar Kima, inda suka yarda: “Jaridar jari-hujja tana mayar da ‘kyautata na yanayi’ zuwa riba. Kuma a yunkurin da ake yi na samun riba ba tare da kakkautawa ba, yana lalata albarkatun kasa da kuma lalata albarkatun kasa.” Amma sun tsaya ga fitattun ma'aunai waɗanda ke tabbatar da rashin daidaituwar yanayin ƙasa da halayen babban amfani na wannan tsari.
Shin kuna ganin akwai yuwuwar gina gada tsakanin gwagwarmaya ta kasa da kasa, la'akari da cewa ƙungiyoyin cikin gida suna da iko daban-daban (waɗansu 'yan mulkin mallaka ko 'yan mulkin mallaka) a matsayin babban makiyansu? Wane irin kishin kasa da kasa na adawa da mulkin mallaka na karni na 21 zai iya kama?
Waɗancan keɓanta biyun da na ambata a baya a cikin amincewar Majalisar Dinkin Duniya gabaɗaya ga mulkin mallaka-neoliberal - haramcin 1987 na lalata CFCs da kuma asusun magunguna na 2002 - na iya zama samfuri na duniya. Duka biyun, na farko, haɗakar ƙwararrun masu fafutuka da ikon jihohi, kuma, na biyu, an magance su a ma'aunin duniya abin da ya kasance kuma haƙiƙa rikice-rikice na duniya. Yarjejeniyar Montreal ta cece mu daga rami mai girma a cikin sararin sararin samaniya - wanda har ma da [Ronald] Reagan, [Margaret] Thatcher da [Helmut] gwamnatocin Kohl an gane su a matsayin barazana mai wanzuwa - tare da dakatar da cikakken aiwatar da 1996 (da kuma keɓewa ta asali. don hydrofluorocarbons daga baya an shafe). Wannan kuma ya ceci duniya daga abin da NASA ke nuna zai kasance mai yuwuwar 0.5oC na ƙarin dumamar yanayi nan da shekara ta 2100. Irin wannan haramcin kan manyan hanyoyin iskar carbon dioxide da methane, ba tare da iskar hayaƙi ba, shine abin da ya kamata Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta yi niyya. a Dubai, amma bai yi ba saboda rashin daidaituwar ma'auni.
Banda na biyu - zuwan Asusun Duniya na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya don yaki da AIDS, tarin fuka da zazzabin cizon sauro - wanda, a nan Afirka ta Kudu, ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararru na Ƙasashen Duniya irin su Medicins Sans Frontiers da ACT UP (AIDs Coalition to Sake Power), wanda aka nema kuma ya yi nasara, ya biyo bayan watsi da kadarorin masu hankali na magungunan rigakafin cutar kanjamau a cikin WTO a cikin 2001. A lokacin, fiye da mutane miliyan 40 suna dauke da kwayar cutar HIV. Hukumar kula da wannan asusu, a cikin taya murna da kanta, amma ta hanyar da ta dace, ta bayyana a shafinta na yanar gizon abin da ya kasance "aikin hadin kai da jagoranci na duniya… don yakar abin da a lokacin ya kasance mafi mugun cututtuka da ke fuskantar bil'adama," wanda ya haifar da gudummawar dalar Amurka biliyan 60 daga masu arziki. kasashe, "ceton rayuka miliyan 59 tare da rage yawan mace-mace daga cututtuka uku da fiye da rabi."
Wadancan hanyoyi ne na kasa da kasa guda biyu game da kayayyakin jama'a na duniya, a ciki kuma sun sabawa tunanin cibiyoyi da yawa, wadanda duk wani masanin tattalin arziki ya yi la'akari da nasarori. Wasu takamaiman fadace-fadace suna da darussa masu ban sha'awa, kamar gwagwarmayar adawa da wariyar launin fata ta Afirka ta Kudu, wacce ta yi fice don aƙalla raunana ikon kabilanci na mulkin farar fata da babban birnin a tsakiyar shekarun 80s - ta hanyar gwagwarmayar cikin gida da takunkumin kasa da kasa - don haka. Dimokuradiyya ta ci nasara a nan (ko da yanayin zamantakewa da tattalin arziki da muhalli ya tsananta). Daga lokaci zuwa lokaci, ayyuka irin su kananan hukumomin Chiapas Zapatistas masu cin gashin kansu, ayyukan noma na Brazil's Landless Workers Movement (MST) ko kuma Rojava grassroots, mata, masu ra'ayin gurguzu na dimokuradiyya sun samar da wuraren tantancewa. Kuma mun ga wasu ayyuka marasa adadi na nuna kiyayya ga mulkin mallaka na duniya, kamar zanga-zangar hadin kan Falasdinu da ta yadu a baya-bayan nan, gami da kauracewa kamfen, kamewa, takunkumi (BDS), kan jihohin Isra'ila, Amurka da Burtaniya. Ƙimar yanayi mai daidaitawa a duniya a wasu lokuta ya nuna babban alkawari, kuma mafi kyawun aikace-aikacen gida - lokaci-lokaci a ƙarƙashin tutar "masu kare ruwa" - suna ba da abin da Naomi Klein ya ce "blockadia” fafutuka, tare da irin waɗannan gwagwarmaya da yawa suna tasowa daga “aiki na yanayi” zuwa “adalci na yanayi”.
Koyaya, yayin da ƙungiyoyin tushen asali suka sami karɓuwa da haɗin kai ya faru zuwa wani mataki - barin mu da irin Obama ko kuma tare da abin da ake kira "ƙananan mata" na 1% - mun ga fitowar wani abu. Hoton madubin doppelganger na dama, kamar yadda Klein yayi kashedin. Haɓaka haɓakar faux anti-imperialism, ko kuma mafi daidai da "ƙimar duniya", a kusa da hanyoyin sadarwar Steve Bannon suna taka rawar tabarbarewar maƙarƙashiya mai haɗa kai da masu fafutuka masu fafutuka a duk faɗin duniya. A gefe guda, nunin ban sha'awa na Jeremy Corbyn na yaƙin neman zaɓe na shugabancin Birtaniyya na 2017, wanda ya haɗa da ɓata jam'iyyar Independence ta Burtaniya wacce ta yi nasara a cikin Brexit a shekarar da ta gabata, ya nuna cewa za a iya samun nasarar runduna masu aiki zuwa hagu ta amfani da tursasawa manufofin zamantakewa da tattalin arziki. . A lokaci guda, kwanan nan Jamus Die Linke ya rabu ya nuna cewa hatsarin dakarun siyasa masu launin ruwan kasa na yin rangwame ga ra'ayin kyamar baki na ci gaba da yin muni.
Dangane da nasarar da dakarun dama suka samu, yancin ra'ayin dama ya cancanci yabo saboda magance matsalolin da hagu suka mamaye tarihi, kamar sukar ikon gwamnati, matsanancin sa ido, likitanci da wuce gona da iri da alakar kamfanoni - duk da cewa sun lalace. yaƙin neman zaɓe na tushen kimiyya akan COVID-19. Tattaunawar kan ƙiyayya da ƙiyayya sun wanzu kusan ko'ina, kamar yadda Big Data ke haifar da abin da Yanis Varoufakis ya faɗi. technofeudalism. Waɗannan za su wakilci babban ƙalubale ga masu adawa da mulkin mallaka a cikin shekaru masu zuwa, godiya ga ƙarfin girma a Amurka (Seattle-Silicon Valley) da hedkwatar kamfanoni na Sin (Shenzhen-Hangzhou) na manyan kamfanonin fasaha da aka ba da isasshen ƙarfin Washington- Mahukuntan Beijing.
Komawa cikin tarihi na baya-bayan nan zuwa kololuwar zanga-zangar neman adalci ta duniya kan cibiyoyi da dama a cikin karni kwata da suka gabata da kuma gangamin adawa da yakin Amurka da Birtaniya a kan Iraki a shekara ta 2001, za mu iya samun karin darussa masu jan hankali. Taron Duniya na Zaman Lafiya ya fara da kyau a cikin 2001 a Brazil, amma a cikin shekaru goma ya zama kantin magana mara akida wanda kungiyoyi masu zaman kansu suka mamaye. Wasu abubuwa masu ƙarfi sun ci gaba - alal misali, Via Campesina, Maris na Duniya na Mata da Warriors na Ruwa - da duka batutuwa guda ɗaya da ƙungiyoyi masu mayar da hankali kan yanki sun nuna za su iya yin motsi ta hanyoyi masu daidaituwa a ma'auni na duniya da na gida. Amma a bayyane yake cewa ƙungiyoyi biyu na farko na ƙarshen 2023 - yanayi da haɗin kai na Falasdinu - dole ne su sami wasu manyan nasarori a cikin watanni masu zuwa, a matsayin wani mataki na sake gina sojojinmu a kan mulkin mallaka biyu. da kuma yanzu sub-emperialism.
ZNetwork ana samun kuɗi ta hanyar karimcin masu karatun sa.
Bada Tallafi