Babban tasiri akan tunani mai tsattsauran ra'ayi tun lokacin juyin juya halin Rasha shine nau'in siyasa mai tsattsauran ra'ayi da ake kira Leninism. Sunan ya samo asali ne daga aikin tsakiya na shugaban Bolshevik V.I. Lenin a cikin tsara alkiblar Bolsheviks a cikin juyin juya halin. Gadon siyasa na Leninism ya yi hannun riga da syndicalism, kamar yadda za mu gani. Amma menene Leninism? Don fahimtar wannan, ina tsammanin muna buƙatar duba yi na jam'iyyar Bolshevik a cikin tsarin juyin juya hali a Rasha da kuma rawar da Lenin ya taka wajen tsara wannan aikin.
Al'adar Bolsheviks a lokacin juyin juya halin Rasha yana da babban tasiri ga tunanin da yawa masu gwagwarmaya a cikin aiki da ƙungiyoyi masu tsattsauran ra'ayi a cikin 1920s da 30s. Shugabancin Bolshevik a Rasha ya nemi kawo masu tsattsauran ra'ayi a wasu kasashe karkashin jagorancinsu a wani bangare na dabarunsu na kare juyin juya halin Rasha. 'Yan Bolsheviks a Rasha sun canza sunan jam'iyyar zuwa "Communist" a cikin 1918 don bambanta kansu da jam'iyyun gurguzu na zaɓe masu neman sauyi a yammacin Turai. Sun ƙarfafa magoya bayansu a wasu ƙasashe su kafa jam'iyyun " gurguzu " a kan samfurin jam'iyyar Bolshevik a Rasha.
A wannan lokacin ƙungiyar masu kishin addini ta duniya ita ce babbar ƙarfin juyin juya hali a cikin da'irar masu aiki a wajen Rasha. Wannan ya haifar da wani lokaci na muhawara da rikice-rikicen siyasa tsakanin 'yan adawa da 'yan gurguzu. Kimanin shekara ta 1919 'yan gurguzu suka shirya don cin nasara akan 'yan ta'adda masu bin tafarkin gurguzu. An kafa kungiyar Red International of Labor Unions (RILU) a shekara ta 1921 da nufin yin zane a cikin ƙungiyoyin 'yan ta'adda. Wannan yunƙurin ya kasance mafi yawan gazawa. Ƙaddamar da ƙungiyoyin syndicalist na Rasha a cikin 1921 da kuma maganganun da ake yi na Bolshevik ya haifar da ƙirƙirar haɗin gwiwar kasa da kasa a 1922 - Ƙungiyar Ma'aikata ta Duniya.
"Jam'iyyar Sabon Nau'i"
Babban fasalin Leninism shine tunanin rawar jam'iyyar - "jam'iyyar sabon nau'i," kamar yadda Leninists suka kira ta. Charlie Post yana da aka bayyana Wannan bangare na Leninism kamar haka:
A taƙaice… ɗorewar gadon Leninism ya kasance makasudin gina wata ƙungiya mai zaman kanta ta masu shirya ƴan jari-hujja da masu fafutuka waɗanda ke ƙoƙarin aiwatar da wata hanyar siyasa ga dakarun kawo sauyi a hukumance ba kawai a cikin ƙungiyoyi ba, har ma a cikin taro, karin majalisa. gwagwarmayar zamantakewa."
Post ya lura da bambancin al'adar Bolshevik daga jam'iyyun gurguzu na zaɓe na yammacin Turai. An gina na ƙarshe a matsayin "jam'iyyun jama'a" don karɓar nau'o'i daban-daban na shiga ajin aiki - a matsayin masu jefa ƙuri'a ko membobin ƙungiya, ko a matsayin masu fafutuka, ko jami'ai. Waɗannan jam'iyyun sun haɓaka manyan tsare-tsare masu ƙarfi - zaɓaɓɓun 'yan siyasa da na'urorin jam'iyya, da jami'an ƙungiyoyin da ake biyan kuɗi, waɗanda ke jagorantar sasantawa tare da masu ɗaukar ma'aikata. Wannan tsarin mulki shi ne ginshikin sake fasalin wadannan jam'iyyu. Kare matsayinsu na hukuma a cikin al'ummar jari hujja ya sa su kame matakin rikice-rikice, suna mai da ma'aikata fursunoni ga tsarin jari-hujja.
Saboda tsarin 'yan sanda na tsarist, taron jama'a bai yiwu ba a Rasha. Don haka, an gina jam'iyyar Bolshevik a kan "'yan tsirarun mayaka" na masu gwagwarmaya da masu shiryawa tsakanin ma'aikata da matsayi na soja.
Kalmar “yan tsirarun mayaka” ta samo asali ne daga masu ra’ayin addini a farkon shekarun 1900. An fahimci wannan yana nufin ma'aikata masu ƙwazo, "masu sani" waɗanda suka haɓaka dabarun tsarawa, suna riƙe ra'ayoyin siyasa masu mahimmanci ga tsarin, kuma suna da wani tasiri a tsakanin abokan aikinsu akan aikin. Tunanin kafa wata kungiya mai zaman kanta, mai fayyace akida ta "yan tsirarun mayaka" daga gwagwarmaya daban-daban shine. masu tsattsauran ra'ayi da masu tsattsauran ra'ayi waɗanda ake kira "ƙungiyoyi biyu." Wannan yana nufin cewa suna ganin rawar da za ta taka don ƙungiyoyi biyu: "Ƙungiyar Ƙungiya" bisa tsarin siyasa, ban da ƙungiyoyi masu yawa kamar ƙungiyoyi. Al'adar kafa takamaiman akidar anarchist ko ƙungiyoyin ɗabi'a don yin tasiri ga ƙungiyoyi, masu shirya horo, wallafe-wallafe da sauransu sun riga sun sami gindin zama a farkon 20th karni a tsakanin 'yan gurguzu masu sassaucin ra'ayi na "dual organist" iri-iri. Don haka akwai “kungiyoyi masu ɗaci” daban-daban a wannan zamanin, kamar Nosotros a cikin CNT na Mutanen Espanya a cikin 1930s ko Turin Libertarian Group, masu fafutuka wajen gina ƙungiyar masu kula da shaguna masu tsattsauran ra'ayi a Turin a cikin 1919.-1920.
Ƙungiya mai ma'anar "'yan tsiraru" a siyasance za ta iya kawo masu fafutuka, masu shiryawa da masu fafutuka daga sassa daban-daban na gwagwarmayar zamantakewa - don raba abubuwan kwarewa, da kuma taimakawa mutane daga wani yanki don fahimtar batutuwan da aka zalunta a wani yanki na daban. "Ƙungiyar ɗabi'a" na iya ƙarfafa tattaunawa ta yadda mutane za su iya haɓaka haɗin kai ko haɗin kai a fagage daban-daban na gwagwarmaya. Ta hanyar wallafe-wallafe da tarurrukan bita za su iya shiga cikin mashahurin ilimi mai amfani, da kuma taimakawa wajen horar da mutane a matsayin masu shiryawa da masu tasiri masu tasiri a cikin gwagwarmaya. 'Yan tsiraru masu fafutuka masu burin neman sauyi na iya taimakawa wajen yada lamarin don maye gurbin tsarin jari-hujja, kuma za su iya taimakawa wajen karfafa tunanin dabarun cikin kungiyoyi da ƙungiyoyi. Ga masu ra'ayin mazan jiya, shiga cikin ƙungiyoyin jama'a da aka gina bisa tushen tushe kamar ƙungiyoyin da ke kula da ma'aikata suna samar da wani nau'in gada da ke ba wa masu tsattsauran ra'ayi damar haɗa burinsu na buri na canji ga koke-koke da gwagwarmayar ma'aikata. Duk da haka, Leninists sun wuce waɗannan ra'ayoyin. A wajen masu ra’ayin Lenin, aikin jam’iyyar shi ne samun galaba a cikin gangamin jama’a da kuma amfani da wannan a matsayin ginshikin samun mulkin mallaka na jam’iyyarta.
Ikon zuwa Ajin Gudanar da Bukata
Don fahimtar rikici tsakanin syndicalism da Leninism, yana da amfani mu dubi marubucin Lenin wanda yayi ƙoƙari ya fassara siyasa ta hanyar dimokuradiyya. Misali shine ƙasidar The Future Socialist Society by John Molyneux - tsohon memba a Birtaniya Socialist Workers Party. Molyneux ya gabatar da ra'ayin cewa za a sami iko a cikin yanayi na juyin juya hali ta majalisar ma'aikatan demokradiyya - majalisun wakilai da aka zaba daga wurare daban-daban. Syndicists za su yarda da wannan. Matsayin majalisar ma'aikata a juyin juya halin Rasha na 1917 shine dalilin da ya sa masu kishin addini a wasu kasashe tun farko suka kasance masu kishin juyin juya hali. Molyneux ne ya rubuta
"Dimokradiyyar majalisun ma'aikata za ta dogara ne kan muhawara da tattaunawa tare da ikon masu zabe… don sarrafa wakilansu. Tsarin wannan sarrafawa zai zama mai sauƙi. Idan wakilai ba su wakilci abin da zaɓaɓɓunsu ba, za a sake kiran su kawai a maye gurbinsu da taron jama'a a wuraren aiki…
Jam'iyyun siyasa daban-daban, idan sun amince da tsarin juyin juya hali, za su yi aiki cikin 'yanci a cikin majalisu, tare da jam'iyyar da ke da rinjaye mafi rinjaye daga ma'aikata da ke kafa gwamnati. Bisa dukkan alamu wannan ita ce jam'iyyar da ta jagoranci juyin juya hali."
A cikin wannan fassarar dimokuradiyya na Leninism, ikon jam'iyyar na "gwamnati" za a samu daga majalisun ma'aikata na dimokuradiyya. Amma menene wannan "gwamnati" da ta bambanta da taron ma'aikata? A cikin juyin juya halin Rasha Majalisar Kwamitocin Jama'a ita ce "gwamnati" amma kawai ta karbi tsohuwar gwamnatin tsarin mulki kuma a aikace ba ta karkashin ikon Soviet jam'iyyu masu yawa. Bugu da ƙari, matsaloli suna fitowa lokacin da Molyneux ya fara magana game da yadda zamantakewar tattalin arzikin zai faru:
“Tsarin tsarin da za a kafa ikon tattalin arziki ta hanyar… Ƙananan kasuwancin da ke ɗaukar ma'aikata ɗaya ko biyu za a iya barin su zuwa gaba. Babban aikin nan da nan shi ne samun ikon sarrafa madaidaitan ikon tattalin arziki, na 'madaidaitan umarni'…”
Duk da haka, ƙirƙira majalissar ma'aikata ko majalisu don sarrafa al'umma ba zai iya faruwa ba tare da tarurrukan ƙungiyoyin ma'aikata a cikin masana'antu daban-daban - tare da ƙungiyoyin jama'a kamar ƙungiyoyi, da zaɓaɓɓun majalisu masu kula da shaguna da tarukan ma'aikata. Amma idan akwai wannan taro mai yawa don ikon ma'aikata a can a wuraren aiki, me yasa wannan motsi ba zai iya fara aiwatar da zamantakewar masana'antu daga ƙasa ba? Ra'ayin syndicalist shine cewa ana iya gina zamantakewar jama'a kai tsaye ta hanyar mutane masu aiki ta hanyar ƙungiyoyin ma'aikata na asali waɗanda ke ɗaukar masana'antu, da ƙirƙirar nasu ikon sarrafa dimokiradiyya na samarwa.
Shirin Leninist na "ƙaddara ƙasa" daga sama yana ba da shawarar shirin daidaita tsarin mulki na kula da tattalin arziki. Tunanin da aka saba na mayar da ƙasa shi ne inda wata jiha ta ƙirƙiri tsarin gudanarwa irin na kamfani tare da ma'aikatan da ke ƙarƙashin wannan tsarin mulki. Don haka tunanin Molyneux game da tsarin karɓar masana'antu ta hanyar "gwamnati" ta hanyar "ƙaddamar da ƙasa" a aikace yana iya hana duk wani ikon sarrafa ma'aikata a cikin masana'antu. A gaskiya za ta kafa hanyar bulogi na tsarin kula da ofisoshi (kamar yadda na kira shi) a matsayin mafi rinjaye a cikin sabon tsarin samar da rabe-rabe. Yana da amfani don duba yadda wannan ya kasance a cikin juyin juya halin Rasha.
Ƙaddamar "Irin Ma'aikata"
Tsawon lokacin juyin juya halin Maris na 1917 zuwa 1918 an sami lokuta da yawa inda ma'aikata suka kwace ikon masana'antu. Yunkurin hakan ya fito ne daga kwamitocin masana'anta. Waɗannan ƙungiyoyi ne na tushen tushen bisa zaɓen wakilai masu matsayi da matsayi ta majalissar ma'aikata - kwatankwacin majalissar masu kula da shaguna a yawancin ƙasashen yammacin Turai a wancan lokacin. A cikin tsakanin Nuwamba, 1917 da Maris, 1918, ƙungiyoyin ma'aikata sun kama kamfanoni 836. Yawanci, kwamitin masana'antar ya zama majalisar gudanarwa na ma'aikata, kuma ma'aikata ko Tarayyar Soviet sun ayyana masana'antar "na kasa" kuma sun yi kira ga gwamnatin tsakiya don tallafin kudi.
Lenin ya rubuta dokar “sarrafa ma’aikata” a watan Nuwamba, 1917. Amma ra’ayin Lenin na “sarrafawa” shine kawai ma’aikata suna aiki a matsayin bincike kan gudanarwa – suna buƙatar gudanarwa don “buɗe littattafai,” yin amfani da veto akan hayar aiki da kora, da sauran su. sarrafawa. Lenin ba ya ba da shawarar cewa ma'aikata su karbi ragamar sarrafa kansu tare da masana'antu. Duk da haka, dokar kula da ma’aikata ta karfafa gwiwar ma’aikata da su kara gaba saboda a yanzu sun yi imanin cewa kokarin nasu zai samu takunkumi a hukumance. Ma'aikata ba su sanya jari mai yawa a cikin iyakar Lenin ya zana tsakanin sarrafawa da gudanarwa ba.
Daga cikin wannan tashin hankalin na ma'aikata ya zo ne yunkurin farko na kwamitin masana'antu na kafa kungiyar ta ta kasa ba tare da kungiyoyin kwadago da na siyasa ba. A cikin watan Disamba na Tarayyar Soviet na kwamitocin masana'antu na yankin Petrograd sun buga Littafi Mai-Tsarki don Aiwatar da Ma'aikata Kula da Masana'antu. Littafin ya ba da shawarar cewa "za a iya fadada sarrafa ma'aikata cikin sauri zuwa" sarrafa ma'aikata ".
A rabo na factory kwamitin motsi da aka yi yaƙi fita a farkon All-Rasha Congress of Trade Unions a cikin Janairu, 1918. Babban Rasha siyasa hali da hangen nesa ga kai tsaye ma'aikata management su anarcho-syndicalists, wanda aka goyan bayan SR Maximalists. . Masu fafutuka sun ba da shawarar cewa "a nan da nan a mayar da kungiyar samar da kayayyaki, sufuri da rarrabawa ga hannun mutanen da suke wahala da kansu, ba ga gwamnati ko wata na'urar ma'aikatan gwamnati da ta ƙunshi nau'i ɗaya ko wani na abokan gaba ba." G.P. Maximov - sakataren kasa na KRAS - ya bambanta tsakanin daidaitawa a kwance da kula da tattalin arziki:
"Manufar proletariat ita ce daidaita dukkan ayyukan… don ƙirƙirar cibiya, amma ba cibiyar dokoki da farillai ba amma cibiyar tsari, jagora - kuma ta hanyar irin wannan cibiyar ne kawai don tsara rayuwar masana'antu na ƙasar."
Wakilan Bolshevik da Menshevik sun kada kuri'a "a'a."
Lenin da Trotsky ba su goyi bayan sarrafa ma'aikata na masana'antu ba. Abubuwan da suka fi so na sama-sama, tsare-tsare na jiha da kulawa a cikin masana'antu ta ma'aikatun gudanarwa sun yi aiki da kansu yayin da juyin juya halin ya ci gaba. Yunkurin farko na samar da tsarin tsare-tsare na sama-sama shine wata doka a ranar 5 ga Disamba, 1917, ta kafa Majalisar Koli ta Tattalin Arziki ta Kasa (Vesenkha). Wannan jikin yana aiki tare da jami'an kungiyar kwadago ta Bolshevik, jiga-jigan jam'iyyar da irin wannan - duk an nada su daga sama. A ƙarshe, wannan majalisa za ta rikide zuwa babbar ƙungiyar Tarayyar Soviet ta tsakiya, Gosplan.
A cikin 1918 Lenin ya fara buga ganga don kawar da zaɓaɓɓun ma'aikatan gudanarwa da kuma sanya "manjoji guda ɗaya" da aka naɗa daga sama. A ranar 28 ga Afrilu an gabatar da shari'ar Lenin game da karɓar Taylorism da kuma "gudanar da mutum ɗaya" a cikin "Ayyukan nan da nan na Gwamnatin Soviet." Don magance buƙatar "farfado da tattalin arziki," Lenin ya yi kira ga nau'ikan dabarun sarrafa gudanarwa da ake amfani da su a cikin kamfanonin jari-hujja don matse ma'aikata. Matakan da ya gabatar sun hada da tsarin kati don auna abin da kowane ma'aikaci zai samu, da kuma samar da ofishin ƙwadago don gyara aikin da ake buƙata na kowane ma'aikaci. Ma'aikata ba za su yanke shawarar waɗannan ƙa'idodi ba.
Menene Taylorism? "Aikin kowane ma'aikaci," in ji Taylor, ya kamata a "shirya shi sosai ta hanyar gudanarwa… ba kawai abin da za a yi ba, amma yadda za a yi da kuma ainihin lokacin da aka ba da izinin yin shi." Ware tsare-tsare da tunani da yanke shawara daga aikin shine dabarun gudanarwa don samun ƙarin iko akan yadda ake gudanar da aikin da tsawon lokacin da ake ɗauka don yin aikin. Don haka muna ganin cewa ƙaddamar da ma'aikata ga ikon gudanarwa yana da nasaba da manufar "Gudanar da Kimiyya" Taylor. Kuma Lenin ya jajirce wajen ba da shawararsa na gina tsarin mulkin mallaka na sama don sarrafa ma'aikata a cikin samarwa. Lenin:
“Kwarewar tarihi da ba za a iya warwarewa ba ta nuna cewa… mulkin kama-karya na daidaikun mutane shi ne sau da yawa abin hawa, tashar mulkin kama-karya na azuzuwan juyin juya hali… Manyan masana'antar injin - wacce ita ce tushen kayan aiki da tushe na gurguzu - yana kira ga cikakken da tsananin haɗin kai na son rai….Ta yaya za a tabbatar da haɗin kai mai ƙarfi? Da dubunnan masu biyayya ga nufinsu ga wani…Sallama mara tambaya (mahimmanci a asali) zuwa ga wasiyya ɗaya ya zama dole don samun nasarar ayyukan ƙwadago waɗanda suka dogara da masana'antar injina masu girma… babu shakka ku yi biyayya ga wasiyya daya (mahimmanci a asali) na shugabannin tsarin aiki."
"Shugabannin tsarin aiki" wani abin alfahari ne ga shugabannin da ke rike da mukaman gudanarwa. Abin da muke gani a nan shi ne Lenin yana ɗaukar yanayin hangen nesa na ajin kula da ofisoshi. Kamar yadda juyin juya halin Spain na 1930 ya nuna, "manyan masana'antu na inji" (masu masana'anta, masana'antar karfe, layin dogo) sun kasance masu iya kasancewa tare da ma'aikata tare da gudanar da su ta hanyar abubuwa kamar majalisar gudanarwa ta wakilai da zaɓaɓɓu da sokewa, hada da injiniyoyi. a matsayin masu ba da shawara kan majalissar wakilai na ma'aikata, da tarukan wurin aiki don yanke shawara kan batutuwan da'a ko yanke shawara kan ƙungiyar aiki ko kan-duk shirin.
Bugu da ƙari, duk nazarin na ainihin sarrafa ma'aikaci na samarwa ya nuna cewa yana haifar da mafi yawan aiki da kuma haɓaka haɓaka. Ma'aikata sun fi sanin matsalolin da ke faruwa a cikin aikin kuma suna iya magance matsalolin. Bugu da ƙari, shiga kai tsaye wajen yanke shawara wani ɓangare ne na haɓaka ƙwazo na ma'aikata—ɓangare na 'yantar da kai daga ma'aikata daga mulkin zalunci.
Wani abu da mai yiwuwa ya ba da gudummawa ga tunanin Lenin a nan shi ne makafi a cikin ka'idar Markisanci na wancan lokacin. Marxism ya kasa yin hasashe ko lissafin ci gaban ajin kula da ofisoshi (kamar yadda na kira shi) a matsayin aji mai zalunci akan ma'aikata. Wannan rukunin manyan manajoji ne, masu sa ido, da ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ma'aikata don sarrafa ma'aikata, kamfanoni da ƙasa a cikin tsarin jari-hujja. Ƙarfin ma'aikatu na ajin kula da ofisoshi ba bisa ga mallaka ba; a maimakon haka, ikonsu ya samo asali ne a cikin ikon mallakar ikon yanke shawara (da kuma nau'ikan ƙwarewa kai tsaye da ke da alaƙa da yanke shawara) a cikin samar da zamantakewa da kuma jihar.
Wannan rami a cikin Marxism mai yiwuwa ya ba da gudummawa ga gazawar ganin yadda ra'ayin mai gudanarwa na "gina gurguzu" zai gina sabon tsarin samarwa bisa ikon ajin kula da ofisoshi akan ma'aikata. A ciki Jiha da juyin juya haliLenin ya ba da shawarar cewa za a iya ɗaukar na'urar gudanarwa ta tsarin jari-hujja don gina tsarin gurguzu:
“Wani mai hankali na Social Democrat… na karnin da ya gabata ya kira sabis na gidan waya misali na tsarin tattalin arzikin gurguzu. Wannan gaskiya ne. A halin yanzu ma'aikatar gidan waya sana'a ce da aka shirya akan layin jihar-ɗan jari hujja kadaici. Daular mulkin mallaka sannu a hankali tana canza duk amana zuwa kungiyoyi masu kama da wannan… Sai dai mu hambarar da ‘yan jari hujja,… mu fasa na’uran tsarin mulki na jihar ta zamani – kuma za mu sami ingantacciyar ingantacciyar hanya, wacce ta ‘yantar da ita daga “parasites,”…Don tsara tattalin arzikin kasa gaba daya kan layin ma’aikatan gidan waya. , ta yadda technicians, foremen, bookkeepers, kazalika dukan jami'ai… duk karkashin kulawa da jagoranci na masu fafutukar kare hakkin bil'adama - wannan shine burinmu na nan take."
"Jagorancin masu fafutukar kare hakkin bil adama" wani zance ne ga jihar da jam'iyyar Vanguard ke iko da ita. Lenin ya yi imanin cewa Bolsheviks na iya daukar nauyin tsarin mulkin da aka gina ta hanyar jari-hujja kuma ya canza su zuwa amfani da gurguzu ta hanyar maye gurbin jari-hujja "parasites" (masu) tare da "jahar ma'aikata" (jihar da ake kira "jam'iyyar ma'aikata" ke sarrafawa. ”).
Kamar yadda na ambata a baya, ma’aikata sun karbe ma’aikata daruruwa daga kasa a shekarar 1917-1918, kuma a shekarar 1918 zababbun kwamitocin ma’aikata ne ke gudanar da wadannan kamfanoni. Ya zuwa faɗuwar shekara ta 1920, kashi 82 cikin ɗari na waɗannan kamfanoni “masu kula da mutum ɗaya” ne da manyan hukumomi suka naɗa.
Ikon Ma'aikata ko "Dictatorship of the Party"?
Yayin da yakin basasar Rasha ya kawo karshe a karshen shekara ta 1920, nan da nan hadarin da ke tattare da takunkumin takunkumin kasashen waje da yakin basasa ya kawo karshe kuma a yanzu kungiyar kwadago ta jam’iyyar ta matsa kaimi wajen ganin an samu galaba a harkokin tattalin arziki. Wannan muhawara za ta zo kan gaba a babban taron jam'iyyar Kwaminisanci a watan Maris, 1921. Ma'aikata adawa sun ba da shawarar yin kira ga All-Russian Producers Congress don kula da tsare-tsaren tattalin arzikin kasa, tare da ƙungiyoyin masana'antu daban-daban suna zabar shugabannin gudanarwa na masana'antu daban-daban. .
Lenin ya yi tir da shawarar 'yan adawar Ma'aikata a matsayin "masu karkatacciya": "Ya lalata bukatar jam'iyyar. Idan kungiyoyin kwadago, kashi tara bisa goma na mambobinsu ba ma’aikatan Jam’iyya ba ne, suka nada manajojin masana’antu, meye amfanin Jam’iyyar?” A nan za mu ga yadda ra’ayin Lenin na “mulkin mulkin jam’iyya” ya saba wa ra’ayin ma’aikatan da ke tafiyar da masana’antun da suke aiki a ciki. Lenin da yake magana da wani nasa na zamani, ya ce: “Ko kowane ma’aikaci ya san yadda zai tafiyar da mulkin kasar? Mutane da yawa sun san cewa waɗannan tatsuniyoyi ne.”
Dukansu Lenin da Trotsky sun yi kira ga "mulkin kama-karya na jam'iyyar" a harin da suka kai kan shawarwarin "dimokradiyyar masana'antu" na Bukharin da 'yan adawar Ma'aikata. Ga Trotsky:
Sun kafa ka'idojin dimokuradiyya. Sun baiwa ma'aikata damar zabar wakilai sama da Jam'iyyar. Kamar dai jam'iyyar ba ta cancanci tabbatar da mulkin kama-karya ba ko da mulkin kama-karya na dan lokaci ya yi karo da yanayin dimokuradiyyar ma'aikata…Gwamnatin kama-karya ba ta kafa kanta a kowane lokaci kan tsarin dimokradiyyar ma'aikata.
Menene tushen wannan priori "Hakkin haihuwa na tarihi" zuwa "jam'iyyar kama-karya" wanda Trotsky yayi magana akai? Me yasa yake da fifiko akan "dimokradiyyar ma'aikata"? Bolsheviks sun zama kamar suna riƙe da wani priori imani da cewa za a iya ƙirƙirar gurguzu ta hanyar jihar da mutanen da suka mallaki ka'idar Markisanci. Suka dauka priori cewa fassarar da suka yi na Marxism ita ce kawai ainihin bayanin bukatun masu aiki. Kamar yadda Maurice Brinton saka shi:
"A cikin tunanin Bolsheviks, jam'iyyar ta ƙunshi abubuwan tarihi na ajin [aiki] ko aji ya fahimce shi ko a'a - da kuma ko ajin yana so ko a'a. Idan aka yi la’akari da waɗannan wuraren, duk wani ƙalubale ga mulkin jam’iyyar… yana daidai da “cin amanar juyin juya halin Musulunci.”
Don haka duk wani hali na siyasa da ya saba wa ’Yan gurguzu dole ne su wakilci muradun “ajin baƙi.” Kuma tun da ajin manoma da ’yan kasuwa (“petit bourgeoisie”) su ne kawai irin wannan ajin da ke da yawa, duk wani ra’ayin siyasa da ya saba musu dole ne ya zama “petit bourgeois.” Wannan akida priori hujja ta zama uzuri don murkushe sauran manufofin siyasa na hagu. Kamar yadda S.A. Smith ya rubuta: “Bulsheviks ba su yi jinkirin sake tsarawa ko rufe sojojin Soviet da suka fada karkashin ikon sojojin da suka kore su a matsayin ‘kananan bourgeois ba.”
Bayan shan kaye da 'yan adawar Ma'aikata suka yi a taron jam'iyyar a shekara ta 1921, kwamitin tsakiya na jam'iyyar ya yanke shawarar cewa hadaddiyar kungiyar Anarcho-Syndicalists (KRAS) ita ce kungiyar 'yan adawa mafi hadari a kasar Rasha. Sun damu musamman game da farfagandar syndicalist a tsakanin sassan masu koyarwa na Red Army da yuwuwar KRAS na daukar membobin 'yan adawar Ma'aikata. A karshen 1921, an murkushe KRAS kuma manyan mayakansa suna cikin kurkuku.
A kan fassarara, Leninism yana da ma'anar fasali guda uku:
- • Gina ƙayyadaddun kungiya ta akida bisa la'akari da daukar ma'aikata daga "'yan tsirarun mayaka" a cikin ƙungiyoyi da ƙungiyoyin zamantakewa, da kuma yin aiki don samun babban matsayi don halinsu na gwagwarmayar zamantakewa.
- • Samar da ikon mulkin ƙasa ga jam'iyyar Leniyanci, da murkushe sauran manufofin siyasa
- • Tsarkake ikon jam'iyyar kan tattalin arziki ta hanyar tsare-tsare na sama-sama da kafa tsarin gudanarwa irin na kamfanoni a kan masana'antu "na kasa".
Leninists za su yi ƙoƙari su ba da hujjar kashe Bolshevik na wasu ra'ayoyin siyasa na gurguzu a cikin juyin juya halin Rasha ko kuma sanya "manjoji guda ɗaya" daga sama ta hanyar yin la'akari da "mummunan yanayi" da Bolshevik ya fuskanta a 1917.-21. Ina tsammanin za mu iya fassara wannan a matsayin wani nau'i na hujja ga shirin Leniyanci, kamar haka:
“Akwai yuwuwar a sami matsanancin rikici da rugujewa a rikicin juyin juya hali. Samun nasara yana buƙatar ƙungiya mai tauri da haɗin kai na cikin gida don daidaita ikon tattalin arziki da ikon makamai a hannunta. Don haka ne ya kamata a samu mulki a hannun jam’iyya daya wadda za ta mayar da tsarin tafiyar da tattalin arzikin kasa ta hanyar tsare-tsare na kasa da kasa.”
Ƙila Bolsheviks sun sami "nasara" ga jam'iyyarsu amma ba su sami nasara ga ma'aikata ba. Shirin nasu ya jagoranci kai tsaye ga ƙarfafa tsarin samarwa wanda ajin kula da ofisoshi ke jagoranta a matsayin aji mai zalunci akan ma'aikata.
Alternative na Syndicalist
Bugu da ƙari, syndicalism yana ba da shawarar madadin shirin juyin juya hali. Mun yi imanin cewa shirin namu yana yin kyakkyawan aiki na magance rikice-rikice da rugujewar rikicin juyin juya hali. An gudanar da wannan wani bangare (amma ba cikakke ba) a cikin juyin juya halin Spain kuma za mu iya samun fahimta daga wannan kwarewa. Yaɗuwar kamawar wuraren aiki, da haɗa su cikin ƙungiyoyin masana'antu, shine shirin da ake kira "socialization" na masu haɗin gwiwar Mutanen Espanya. Sun kuma yi aiki don gina "sojojin proletarian" wanda ƙungiyoyin ma'aikata, ƙungiyoyin ƙungiyoyi ke sarrafawa kai tsaye. Wannan shirin yana da fa'idodi masu mahimmanci:
- • Ma'aikata suna da basira don yin aikin kuma kula da ma'aikata yana tabbatar da cewa ana iya biyan bukatun mutane.
- • Ma'aikata na iya karya ikon ajin kula da ofisoshi, ta hanyar maye gurbin tsohon tsarin gudanarwa na kamfanoni tare da sarrafawa ta hanyar majalissar ma'aikata, zababbun majalissar gudanarwa, da fara tsarin gina sabbin horarwa da ilimi don haɓaka ƙwarewar ma'aikata don ƙware kan samarwa.
- • Ma'aikata za su iya fara aiwatar da canza fasaha don ƙarin dorewar muhalli da dacewa da lafiyar ma'aikaci.
- • Ma'aikata za su iya haɗa wuraren aiki daban-daban zuwa ƙungiyoyin masana'antu masu sarrafa ma'aikata don "ɗaukar albashi da yanayi daga gasar."
- Za a iya haɗa ƙungiyoyin masana'antu daban-daban don gudanar da harkokin zamantakewa gaba ɗaya da daidaita tattalin arziki ta hanyar majalissar zababbun wakilan ma'aikata.
A cikin juyin juya halin Mutanen Espanya akwai ra'ayi na juyin juya hali a cikin CNT wanda ya yi imanin cewa ƙungiyoyin "dole ne su karbi mulki," kamar yadda kungiyar Nosotros ta ce a watan Yuli, 1936. Wannan halin ikon ma'aikaci ya ba da shawarar cewa ƙungiyoyi a Catalonia da kuma a matakin ƙasa su maye gurbin. gwamnatocin Popular Front da ake da su tare da majalissar ma'aikata da "majalisun tsaro" da suka ƙunshi wakilai daga ƙungiyoyi ko tarukan wurin aiki. Za a jawo ƙungiyoyin masu ra'ayin hagu zuwa ga haɗin kai. Majalisar tsaro za ta ba da jagoranci ga rundunonin soji na hadin gwiwa, da ke karkashin ikon kungiyoyin. Eduardo de Guzman, editan jaridar CNT na Madrid na yau da kullun, ya ce manufar ita ce "gwamnati mai mulki - jimillar dimokiradiyya mai aiki wanda za a wakilta dukkanin bangarorin 'yan kasuwa - amma na proletariat kadai - za a wakilta."
Yanayin yakin basasa yana da muni. Amma maimakon ganinsa a matsayin hujjar murkushe wasu halaye, muna iya ganinsa a matsayin abin da zai sa a gina gaba ɗaya. Irin wannan yanayi yana matsa wa mutane lamba don su sasanta. Matukar ƙungiyoyin ma'aikata na demokraɗiyya ke da ƙarfi a cikin juyin juya halin, wannan ya sa ma'aikata za su kasance cikin iko lokacin da hayaki ya bushe. Leninism tabbataccen girke-girke ne na wuta don shan kashi a aji.
ZNetwork ana samun kuɗi ta hanyar karimcin masu karatun sa.
Bada Tallafi