A mako na biyu na watan Nuwamba 2018, Sunrise Movement ta yi gagarumin sauyi. A cikin shekarar da ta gabata, kungiyar samari ta samar da yanayi ta dauki tsawon sa'o'i tana aiki don tallafawa 'yan takarar Demokradiyya a cikin yankuna da aka zaba - suna tafiya mil don buga kofa, gano masu jefa kuri'a masu tausayawa da kuma samun mutane zuwa rumfunan zabe. Yanzu, da yawa daga cikin membobin Sunrise sun zauna a ƙasa a ofishin Wakilin Nancy Pelosi na Washington, DC. Wasu da yawa sun zube cikin harabar gidan, suna lika bangon titin ofis kuma suna ɗauke da alamu a sa hannun ƙungiyar rawaya da baki waɗanda ke rubuta “Green Jobs for All” kuma suka tambayi “Menene Shirinku?” Bukatar zaman shi ne Shugaban Majalisar ya amince da Sabuwar Yarjejeniya ta Green, wani shiri mai cike da kishin doka don lalata tattalin arzikin kasar - wani abu da Pelosi ya yi shakkar runguma. A taƙaice, Sunrise ya fita ba zato ba tsammani daga yin kamfen ga mambobin jam'iyyar Demokraɗiyya zuwa ga nuna adawa da shugabanninta.
Za a iya gafarta wa masu lura da hankali saboda ruɗewa ko tunanin an sami canjin dabarun kwatsam. Babu.
Matakin ya kai kololuwa lokacin da daya daga cikin sabbin zababbun 'yan majalisar da Sunrise ya goyi bayan, dan majalisar wakilai na New York Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, ya yanke shawarar shiga su. Hakan ya haifar da wani hoto mai ban mamaki: ‘yar majalisar wakilai da ba a ma rantsar da ita ba, ta tsaya a tsakiyar gungun ‘yan adawar da ba su da ra’ayi, ta fuskanci shugabancin jam’iyyarta. Rashin biyayyar jama'a ya zama abin jin daɗi a kafofin watsa labarai, yana haifar da sabuwar yarjejeniya ta Green New Deal a cikin hasken siyasar ƙasa da kuma canza sharuddan muhawara game da manufofin yanayi.
Wani na iya tambayar menene tunanin da ke tattare da mataki biyu na Sunrise wanda ba a saba gani ba zai iya zama: Wane babban ra'ayi ne zai sa kungiyar ta goyi bayan 'yan takarar Democrat a mako guda, sannan su gudanar da zanga-zanga a ofishin babban jami'in jam'iyyar a gaba? Kuma irin wannan dabarar za ta iya haifar da ingantacciyar hanyar zuwa ga ci gaban siyasa?
A cikin kalma, ra'ayin da ake tambaya shine "sake daidaitawa."
Manufar daidaitawa ba sabon abu ba ne. Tana da tarihin da ya gudana a cikin ayyukan wasu mashahuran masana kimiyyar siyasa na kasar a tsakiyar karni, da kuma ta hanyar ayyukan jiga-jigai irin su fitaccen mai shirya gasar Bayard Rustin, fitaccen dan gurguzu Michael Harrington da jarumin al'adun mazan jiya Newt Gingrich. Yana gudana a yau ta hanyar Ocasio-Cortez da sauran 'yan jam'iyyar Democrat masu ra'ayin jama'a wadanda suka ba da sanarwar niyyar, a cikin kalmomin AOC, na "kawo jam'iyyar gida" - kuma wanda a zahiri na iya ɗaukar ta wuraren da bai taɓa zuwa ba.
"Sake daidaitawa yana faruwa ne lokacin da canjin zamantakewa na dogon lokaci, rikici, da shugaban da ya dace ya haɗu don canza yanayin." ya rubuta Dan jaridar siyasa George Packer in The Atlantic. Maganar sau da yawa tana sake bayyana a lokacin rantsar da sabbin shugabanni. Musamman ma zabensa na 2008, wanda ya kawo gagarumin rinjaye ga jam'iyyarsa a majalisar dattijai, wasu masu sharhi na ganin Barack Obama ya gabatar da zaben. Dimokradiyya mafi rinjaye. Wato har sai da Donald Trump ya kutsa kai cikin "Blue Wall" na jam'iyyar Democrat a Pennsylvania, Michigan da Wisconsin kuma ya karkatar da akalla wasu masu kada kuri'a a cikin fararen ma'aikata, wanda ya haifar da hasashe cewa nasarar da ya samu ita ce daidaitawa. sakamako mai dorewa. Ana ganin zaben Biden a matsayin mai nauyi a tarihi fiye da na magabata. Duk da haka, nasarar da ya samu wajen zartar da lissafin dawo da dala tiriliyan 1.9 da ya jagoranta New York Times marubuci David Brooks zuwa Dub shi ne "shugaban canji" kuma ya sa New York mujallar Eric Levitz zuwa jayayya cewa "doka na iya zama alama a fili daidaitawar hagu a cikin manufofin Amurka."
Irin wannan iƙirari ba na musamman ba ne. Masanin hagu Mike Davis ya lura cewa, yayin da galibin tsofaffi ne waɗanda ke tunawa lokacin da ra'ayin sake daidaitawa ya kasance a kololuwar shahararsa, ra'ayin cewa wasu lokuta suna wakiltar ruptures na asali, sake fasalin ra'ayoyin jam'iyyun da kuma waɗanne mazabu suke wakilta. yana da roko mai taurin kai. Ko da masana kimiyya ke muhawara kan ingancin ka'idar, ya ya rubuta, "Tsarin 'zaɓe mai mahimmanci' wanda ke daidaita ƙungiyoyi masu sha'awar sha'awa da masu biyayya ga jam'iyyar ya kasance abin alfahari na kowane ainihin yakin neman zaben shugaban kasa."
Bayan zaben shugaban kasa, sake daidaitawa yana da wata ma'ana ga ƙungiyoyin zamantakewa waɗanda ke haɓaka sauye-sauye mai nisa. Ga kungiyoyi kamar Fitowar da kuma Adalci Democrats - sananne ga ta m rawa a cikin daukar Ocasio-Cortez da kuma kaddamar da yakin neman zabenta na farko a cikin 2018, da kuma taimakawa wajen tallafawa sauran membobin "Squad" - hanya ce ta tunani babba. Maimakon su gamsu su ci gaba da kasancewa a cikin rawar da ake takawa a ko da yaushe daga waje ko kuma tallafa wa wasu ƴan siyasa da aka zaɓe, manufar tana ƙarfafa su su yi ƙwarin gwiwa don samun ci gaba mai mahimmanci a cikin dangantaka. Yana daga cikin dabarun kafa da kuma ciyar da kungiyar gaba da za ta iya zama mai karfi a tsarin siyasar Amurka. Yana nufin, yadda ya kamata, gina sabuwar ƙungiya mai ƙarfin hali a cikin harsashi na tsohuwar.
Shin irin wannan aikin zai yiwu? Waɗanne darussa ne za mu iya koya daga waɗanda suka yi sarauta a dā? Kuma menene sakamakon a aikace na ƙungiyoyin suna kiran wannan a matsayin maƙasudin manufa a yau?
Mafarki sau ɗaya da gaba
Ka'idar ilimi ta daidaita zaɓe ta kasance kira "Daya daga cikin manyan masana'antun fasaha, masu shiga da kuma tasiri da masana kimiyyar siyasar Amurka suka yi a cikin rabin karni na karshe." Farfesa Harvard VO Key, Jr. ya fara ci gaba a cikin labarinsa na 1955 "Ka'idar Zaɓuɓɓuka Masu Muhimmanci." Daga baya, masana ciki har da Walter Dean Burnham, dalibin Key's, da James Sundquist, tsohon marubucin magana na Harry Truman ne suka haɓaka shi. Ka'idar ta ba da shawarar cewa tsarin jam'iyyun siyasa na Amurka ya samo asali ne cikin fashe-fashe - sau da yawa tsakanin shekaru 30 zuwa 40 - kuma wasu zabuka masu mahimmanci sun ƙare suna bayyana zamaninsu ta hanyar tattara sabbin ƙungiyoyin masu jefa ƙuri'a tare da sanya sabbin batutuwa a gaban ajandar jama'a. Ga irin su Burnham da Key, "mahimmancin daidaitawa" ya ƙunshi lokuta masu tsauri, masu ɓarna inda aka sake sauya sheka daga jam'iyyun siyasa, ƙungiyoyi masu rinjaye sun fadi, kuma a baya 'yan tsiraru marasa gasa sun sami sabon karbuwa ga siyasarsu.
Ka yi tunanin gasa irin su zaɓen 1860, wanda ya nuna hawan jam'iyyar Republican Abraham Lincoln da kuma shirya yakin basasa kan bauta; ko kuma 1896, lokacin da dan jam'iyyar Republican William McKinley ke samun tallafin kasuwanci ya kayar da William Jennings Bryan mai goyon bayan jama'a; ko 1932, wanda ya haifar da odar New Deal. Waɗannan zaɓen sun sami sakamako na tsararraki. Sun kafa tsari don irin mulkin da ya biyo baya a cikin shekaru masu zuwa: Bayan New Deal liberalism ya zama rinjaye, har ma masu sukar sa an tilasta musu yin mulki a cikin ainihin tunaninsa game da rawar gwamnati. Hakanan, bayan juyin juya halin Reagan na shekarun 1980, har ma 'yan Democrat sun yarda da juyin juya halin. ra'ayin cewa "zamanin babbar gwamnati ya ƙare."
Kowanne daga cikin manyan ikirari na masana ilimin gyara tsarin ilimi sun kasance jayayya, tare da wasu masana daban-daban suna jayayya cewa ci gaban jam'iyyar Amurka ya fi girma da hankali kuma ba za a iya faɗin abin dogaro da abin dogaro na tsawon shekaru 30 ba. Amma duk da cewa wannan muhawara ta ilimi ta bayyana a cikin shekarun da suka gabata - kuma tun ma kafin a rubuta yawancin mahimman abubuwan da aka shigar - manufar sake daidaitawa ta ɗauki rayuwarta ta cikin shahararrun sharhi da kuma a cikin duniyar tsarin siyasa.
A farkon shekarun 1960, da dama daga cikin jagorori a kan gurguzu na dimokuradiyya sun bar, ciki har da Michael Harrington - wanda littafinsa na 1962, "The Other America," ya taimaka wajen raya yakin gwamnatin Kennedy kan Talauci - ya tashi da gangan don karya jam'iyyar Democratic gina shi cikin wani abu mafi kyau. Southern Dixiecrats sun kasance muhimmin ɓangare na haɗin gwiwar New Deal na Franklin Delano Roosevelt, amma haɗa su ya tabbatar da zama ciniki na shaidan. A yau, sananne ne cewa manyan Sanatoci masu wariyar launin fata sun kiyaye Jim Crow ta hanyar hana dokokin kare hakkin jama'a shekaru da yawa; Ba a manta da shi ba shine muhimmiyar rawar da "Kuri'ar Kudu" ta taka wajen tura dokokin adawa da ƙungiyoyi kamar Dokar Taft-Hartley. Kamar yadda masanin tarihi Paul Heideman ya bayyana, “Hoto daga Walter Reuther zuwa Martin Luther King, Jr. ya lura cewa Jam’iyyar Demokraɗiyya ta ƙunshi a cikinta duka ƙungiyoyin masu sassaucin ra’ayi a cikin siyasar Amurka, kamar Hubert Aiwatar, kuma mafi maida hankali, kamar Strom Thurmond … [T] Dixiecrats sun hana 'yan Democrat ɗaukar madaidaicin asalin siyasa a matsayin jam'iyyar 'yanci ta Amurka.
Harrington da sauransu yi imani cewa, idan "'yan wariyar launin fata na kudu da wasu abubuwa masu lalata" za a iya fitar da su, jam'iyyar Democrat za ta iya kama da wani abu kamar babbar jam'iyyar dimokiradiyya ta Turai. Harrington ya yi jayayya a cikin 1962 cewa ƙungiyar masu sassaucin ra'ayi na jihar, ƙungiyoyin ma'aikata, masu jefa ƙuri'a na baƙi waɗanda ƙungiyoyin kare hakkin jama'a suka ba da izini, ƙungiyoyin ƙungiyoyin zaman lafiya, da sauran masu jefa ƙuri'a na "lamiri" na ci gaba na iya "ƙirƙirar sabon haɗin gwiwa wanda zai tilasta daidaitawa a Amurka. siyasa." Daga wannan lokacin har zuwa mutuwarsa a 1989, Harrington da ƙungiyoyin da zai taimaka wajen kafa - na farko Kwamitin Tsara Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Amirka, ko DSA - za su kasance da alaka da wannan dabarun daidaitawa.
A tsakiyar shekarun 1960, abubuwa kamar suna kan hanya. Tare da nasarar da Lyndon Baines Johnson ya samu a cikin 1964, ƙwararrun ƴan jam'iyyar Demokraɗiyya a cikin majalisun biyu na Congress, da kuma shirya aiki a ƙarshen ikonsa na baya-bayan nan, ya zama kamar gaskiya ne a yi tunanin cewa za a iya tara mafi rinjaye na dimokiradiyya ba tare da Dixiecrat ba.
Bayard Rustin, wani muhimmin mai goyon bayan dabarun ya yi wannan batu a cikin shahararren 1965 Essay, "Daga Zanga-zangar zuwa Siyasa." Wani ƙwararren mai shirya ƙwararren ƙwararren ƙwararren ƙwararren ƙwararren ƙwararren ne wanda ba a san shi ba saboda ƙiyayya amma duk da haka ya yi aiki a matsayin mai ba da shawara ga Sarki kuma jagorar mai tsara shirye-shiryen Maris a Washington, Rustin ya rubuta: "Yana iya zama da wuri a yi hasashen jam'iyyar Democratic Democratic Party ta Negroes da farar fata. masu matsakaicin ra'ayi da jam'iyyar Republican ta 'yan wariyar launin fata da masu ra'ayin tattalin arziki, amma tabbas akwai kyakyawan ra'ayi game da irin wannan daidaitawar "- dabi'a, in ji shi, hakan zai kara karfi yayin da wasu miliyoyin 'yan Afirka na Amurka a jihohin Kudancin suka yi rajista don kada kuri'a.
Wani wuri, Heideman bayanin kula, Rustin ya ci gaba da bayyana ra’ayinsa: “Idan muka yi zanga-zangar neman rangwame daga waje,” masanin dabarun ya ce, “to [jam’iyyar] tana bi da mu kamar yadda sauran ƙungiyoyin matsi masu karo da juna suke yi. Wannan yana nufin yana ba mu mafi ƙarancin rangwame don ƙuri'a." Sai dai ya kara da cewa, "idan aka fuskanci irin wannan matsin lamba daga cikin jam'iyyar ta hanyar amfani da dabaru na siyasa masu yawa, za mu iya canza tsarin jam'iyyar."
Dama ya daidaita
Hankalin ya kasance sauti. Amma idan aka duba a bayyane yake cewa abubuwa ba su tafi kamar yadda aka tsara ba. Yayin da Dixiecrats suka gudu daga jam'iyyar bayan Dokar 'Yancin Bil'adama ta 1964, masu ra'ayin demokra] iyya sun yi gwagwarmaya a sakamakon tafiyar 'yan Kudu. Yaƙin Vietnam shine babban dalili na wannan. Yawancin masu sassaucin ra'ayi na kafa sun tabbatar da kansu duk sun yarda su bi LBJ cikin rudani na rikici, suna nisantar da kansu na dindindin daga Sabuwar Hagu mai tasowa.
Na biyu, a fagen ƙwadago, ƴan tawayen sun yi hasashen goyan bayan ƴan ƙungiyar a cikin tsarin Walther Reuther na Ƙungiyar Ma'aikatan Motoci ta United - ƙwaƙƙwaran ci gaba wanda ya ba da goyon baya ga gwagwarmayar yancin ɗan adam. A maimakon haka sun yi karo da wani AFL-CIO a karkashin jagorancin George Meany, shugaban ƙwadago mai ra'ayin tsarin mulki wanda ya yi alfahari da kansa kan bai taɓa jagorantar yajin aiki ba kuma bai taɓa tafiya a kan layi ba. Kungiyar kwadago ta goyi bayan manufofin kasashen waje na hawkish, kuma a cikin 1972 AFL-CIO ta ki amincewa da yakin neman zaben shugaban kasa na dan takarar Democrat George McGovern a hukumance. A nasa bangaren, Meany ya kasance gani wasan golf tare da Nixon da membobin majalisar ministocinsa. Abin takaici, a ƙarshen rayuwarsa, Bayard Rustin ya zama enconced wajen kare irin wannan hukuma ta aiki; ya taba zama fitaccen mai fafutuka, ya dauki nauyin tsawa masu sukar yakin Vietnam.
A cikin shekaru ashirin masu zuwa, Harrington da sauran 'yan hagu sun ci gaba da yunƙurin su don ƙarfafa masu ci gaba a cikin Jam'iyyar Democrat. Amma, a ƙarshe, masu ra'ayin mazan jiya ne suka sami damar yin amfani da canjin yanayin zamantakewa.
"Kamar mu, Sabuwar Dama ta yi imani da daidaitawa," rubuta masanin tarihi kuma nan gaba Democratic Socialist Organising Committee Jim Chapin na kasa daraktan kasa Jim Chapin a 1975. Ko da yake jinkiri da ɗan da rikicin na Watergate sa'an nan da Demokrat's 'yunƙurin nada wani Kudancin Ikklesiyoyin bishara, Jimmy Carter, a 1976, da Republican sun iya ta 1980s su gane. sigar ta"dabarun kudu” Shahararriyar mataimakiyar Nixon Kevin Phillips. Wani sabon harin da aka kai kan ma'aikatan da aka tsara ya taimaka. Tare da raguwar ribar riba a cikin 1970s, sassan babban birnin kasar da a baya suka amince da manufar New Deal sun yi tawaye. Sun shiga tare da wasu bukatu na kamfanoni don karya ƙungiyoyin - harin da Fadar White House ta goyi bayansa da zarar Ronald Reagan ya hau mulki. A halin yanzu, ma'aikata irin su Paul Weyrich, wanda ya kafa Gidauniyar Heritage, ya kawo masu ra'ayin addini a cikin jam'iyyar Republican a karkashin tutar "mafi rinjaye."
A wasu lokatai, maganganun daidaitawa sun fito fili a cikin wannan aikin. A matsayin misali ɗaya, Weyrich acolyte Newt Gingrich ya kira taron kwanaki biyu na shugabannin masu ra'ayin mazan jiya a cikin 1989 wanda ya keɓe don tattauna yadda za a kulle mafi rinjaye na hannun dama tare da dabarun adawa maimakon nuna bambanci. Amsa ga taron masu shakka, Gingrich jãyayya a wata wasika zuwa ga Washington Post cewa taron ya kasance wani muhimmin mataki na karfafa jam'iyyar Republican da za ta iya "kore daidaitawa tun daga fadar shugaban kasa har zuwa yanki," yada rinjayen ra'ayin mazan jiya "zuwa Majalisa, gwamnoni, majalisun jihohi da kananan hukumomi."
A cikin 1976, Harrington ya rubuta, "[T] al'ummar tana ɗaya daga cikin waɗancan sauye-sauyen canje-canjen da ke gyara abubuwan da ke gaba dayan zamani mai zuwa." Kuma yayin da fatan samun daidaito a cikin jam'iyyar Democrat ya dusashe a cikin shekaru goma da suka biyo baya, ba su ɓace gaba ɗaya ba. A farkon zamanin Reagan, Frances Fox Piven, babban masanin ilimin rugujewa, jãyayya cewa yawan rajistar masu jefa ƙuri'a na mutane a cikin kundin tsarin jin daɗin jama'a na iya "tilasta jam'iyya ta sake daidaitawa ta hanyar aji" - musamman idan tare da zanga-zangar nuna rashin amincewa da haƙƙin jefa ƙuri'a. A halin yanzu, yaƙin neman zaɓe na Jesse Jackson a cikin 1984 da 1988 ya gabatar da yuwuwar, kodayake ba da daɗewa ba, cewa za a iya sake yin ƴan jam'iyyar Dimokraɗiyya a cikin siffar “Haɗin kai na Rainbow.”
Idan muka waiwayi baya, ba za a iya musantawa ba cewa masu shirya wannan zamanin ba su yi nasara ba wajen ganin an samu irin wannan buri. Kuma duk da haka gazawar samun ci gaba a Amurka a wancan lokacin ba ta zama na musamman ba. Ƙoƙarin demokraɗiyya na zamantakewa a duk faɗin duniya ya fuskanci koma baya mai ban mamaki, da wasu dabaru daban-daban - kamar ƙirƙirar "Jam'iyyar Jama'a” ko haɓaka ƙungiyoyi masu tsattsauran ra'ayi a tsakanin ƙungiyoyin masana'antu - kuma ba su haifar da kyakkyawan sakamako ba. Daga ƙarshe, hagu yana shiga cikin lokacin raguwa. A cikin 1992, lokacin da dan takarar Democrat Bill Clinton ya kama shugaban kasa, zai karfafa juyin juya halin Reagan ta hanyar bayyana irin shirye-shiryen "babban gwamnati" na Sabuwar Deal da Babban Al'umma. Ƙarni na neoliberal, shugabannin "New Democrat" sun bi jagorancinsa kuma suka yi sulhu da hanyarsu zuwa cibiyar.
Muhawarar da dadewa, ta daidaita?
Yawancin abubuwa sun faru tun lokacin da aka sake saita teburin lissafin siyasa, amma mai yiwuwa babu wani abu da zai haifar da sakamako nan da nan kamar yakin 2016 wanda ya saba wa duk tsinkaya. Kafin wannan lokacin, kusan babu wanda ke cikin ƙwararrun masu sharhin siyasa na Amurka da zai yi tunanin cewa ɗan shekara 74, Bayahude, mai ra'ayin gurguzu wanda ya gina aikinsa na siyasa a matsayin mai cin gashin kansa na Vermont zai zo da mamaki da kayar da Jam'iyyar Democrat. Mai ciki kuma mai zato ga Obama, Hillary Clinton.
Bernie Sanders, yana jawabi ga taron jama'a tare da lafazin lafazin Brooklyn kuma yana kiran a juyin juya halin siyasa a kan ajin biliyan biliyan, ya tashi ya lashe jihohi 23 a zaben fidda gwani na shugaban kasa - ciki har da Oklahoma, West Virginia, Michigan, North Dakota da Idaho, duk jihohin da Donald Trump ya yi ikirarin. To bayan shekarar zabe ta kare, Sanders zabe a matsayin dan siyasa mafi shahara a Amurka. Sannan, a cikin 2020, ya sake yin wani abin ban sha'awa, wanda ya fito a matsayin mai fafutuka a fagen Dimokuradiyya. Sanders ya lashe zaben a manyan jihohin Iowa, New Hampshire da Nevada kafin ya fadi ga "Super Talata" na Joe Biden.
Yaƙin neman zaɓe na 2016 na Sanders, musamman, ya sake ƙarfafa muhawarar hagu game da dabarun zaɓe. A lokaci guda, yana wakiltar wani abu mai ban sha'awa: Ta hanyar tafiyar da tsarin Jam'iyyar Demokraɗiyya, Bernie ya sami gagarumar nasara wajen aiwatar da ra'ayoyin ci gaba, yana ba da zaɓi mai ban sha'awa ga ƙetare wanda ke da alaƙa da ƙaddamarwar ɓangare na uku. Duk da haka, gazawarsa wajen tabbatar da nadin - da kuma fahimtar cewa shi ne fashi da rashin adalci ta kafa jam'iyyar - ya bar magoya bayansa da yawa suna nuna bacin rai ga 'yan Democrat, wadanda masu zagin suka yi iƙirarin su ne. rashin mutunci. "Sun kasance koyaushe, koyaushe suna, kuma koyaushe za su kasance," in ji ɗaya rashin yarda Berniecrat.
A cikin 1990s, DSA ta riga ta tashi daga matsayi na daidaitawa na gargajiya da Harrington ke bi, kuma ta ki amincewa da 'yan takarar shugaban kasa a hukumance ciki har da Bill Clinton da kuma daga baya Al Gore a 2000. Amma duk da haka, matsalolin da dabarun da aka nema a magance ba su samu ba. bace. Chris Maisano, edita a Jacobin, ya rubuta: "Muhawara kan ko… yakamata a aiwatar da matakin zabe kan layukan zabe na jam'iyyar Democrat watakila shine mafi ci gaba da cece-kuce a hannun hagu na Amurka." Rikicin da jam'iyyar Democrat ke da shi ya rage fatan cewa jam'iyyar za ta iya sake fasalinta kuma ta haifar da mafarkin kafa siyasa mai zaman kanta - Green, Worker's, Progressive ko Labour Party. Amma duk da haka, ƙaƙƙarfan shingaye ga wasu ɓangarori na uku, musamman rashin samun wakilci mai ma'ana da kuma ƙaƙƙarfan buƙatun samun damar jefa ƙuri'a a jihohi da yawa, ya sanya tsarin jam'iyyun biyu na Amurka ya zama mai kamun kai ga hare-haren waje na tsawon rabin ƙarni ko fiye.
Yaƙin neman zaɓe na Sanders ya mamaye manyan DSA kuma ya haifar da sabbin tsare-tsare ciki har da Justice Democrats da Juyin juya halin mu. Haka kuma, hadewar fushin da aka yi a kafa jam’iyyar Dimokuradiyya da kuma amincewa da zabukan fitar da gwani na jam’iyyar a matsayin fili mai kyau ga ‘yan takara daga waje su tsaya takara – da kuma wani lokaci su yi nasara – ya sa wasu ‘yan takara suka shiga wadannan zabukan a dukkan matakan gwamnati, inda wasu ‘yan takara suka fito fili. bayyana a matsayin 'yan gurguzu na dimokuradiyya. A cikin Majalisar Wakilan Amurka, wannan ya haifar da kafa Squad, ƙungiyar da farko ta ƙunshi mata masu launi - Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar ta Minnesota, Rashida Tlaib ta Michigan, da Ayanna Pressley na Massachusetts - waɗanda ba tare da kunya ba suka tallata. ajanda mai nisa zuwa hagu na shugabancin jam’iyya. A wasu lokuta, kamar nasarar Ocasio-Cortez a kan Joe Crowley, dan majalisar wakilai na hudu na Democrat, mambobinta sun kori masu rike da madafun iko yayin da suke bayyana sabuwar manufa ga jam'iyyar.
Yayin da masu fafutuka da yawa ba za su ɗauki kansu a matsayin ƴan adawa ba, an sami babban yarjejeniya a aikace game da yin ayyukan zaɓe ta hanyar layin zaɓe na Jam'iyyar Democrat. Masanin tarihin Georgetown Michael Kazin jayayya "Sakamakon kamfen dinsa na kasa guda biyu, Sanders da tawagarsa na masu sha'awar ganin sun shigar da wani yunkuri na dimokiradiyya a cikin zuciyar jam'iyyar Democrat." A halin yanzu, Maisano ya rubuta, "ci gaban siyasa na 'yan shekarun da suka gabata sun daidaita tambayar Jam'iyyar Democratic, aƙalla a yanzu." Ya kara da cewa: "Ko muna so ko ba mu so, masu shirya taron masu aiki za su ci gaba da yin amfani da manyan jam'iyyun da za su yi takara muddin sun kasance kuma suna ba da 'ya'ya."
Tabbas, akwai sauran bambance-bambancen dabaru da muhawara. Daga cikin membobin DSA, wasu duba fashe-fashe da 'yan Democrat a matsayin makawa. Suna ba da shawarar gina asali da ababen more rayuwa waɗanda ke da 'yancin kai kamar yadda zai yiwu daga 'yan Democrat, a cikin shirye-shiryen na ƙarshe "karya karya.” Wasu a cikin DSA suna jin daɗin yin aiki a cikin tsarin Jam'iyyar Demokraɗiyya don nan gaba har ma da ƙoƙarin yin aiki. samun iko a kan injunan jam'iyya - motsi daidai da dabarun gyara na baya. A matsayin misali ɗaya na wannan ɗabi'a, ƴan jam'iyyar adawa a kudu maso yamma sun yi nasara kwanan nan zufa manyan mukamai biyar da aka zaba na jam'iyyar Democrat ta Nevada, lamarin da ya sa daukacin ma'aikatan jam'iyyar na jihar suka yi murabus cikin damuwa. Masu fafutuka da ke aiki ta wannan hanyar galibi suna haɗa kansu da sauran ƙungiyoyi masu yawa waɗanda ke neman haɓaka ƴan takarar hagu na tsakiya. Waɗannan sun haɗa da sababbi, ƙungiyoyin da aka yi wa Sanders, amma har da wasu irin su Progressive Democrats of America, Center for Popular Democracy Action, MoveOn, People's Action, and Working Families Party - ban da ƙarin ƙungiyoyin ci gaba, ƙungiyoyin al'umma da ƙungiyoyin yancin jama'a. .
Yin tunani game da daidaitawa yana ƙarfafa ƙungiyoyin motsi don bayyana manyan buri waɗanda suka wuce aiki har abada a matsayin ƙungiyoyin matsin lamba na waje ko lobbies guda ɗaya.
Kowace kungiya tana da nata alkibla dangane da makomar 'yan Democrat. Amma shugabanninsu na iya ƙididdige ikonsu na tantance tasirin aikinsu na dogon lokaci. A matsayin dan kungiyar kwadago kuma mai fafutukar DSA Dustin Guastella lura, a kan wani matakin ra'ayoyi kamar "sake daidaitawa" da "hutu" ba ainihin dabaru ba ne. “A maimakon haka, su ne sakamakon gwagwarmayar siyasa," in ji shi. "Sun dogara ne kan yadda manyan jam'iyyun ke mayar da martani game da sauyi a cikin masu zabe da kuma tsarin siyasa: ko dai jam'iyyar ba ta iya warkar da rarrabuwar kawuna, wanda ya haifar da 'karya' (kamar lokacin Whig a cikin 1850s) or jam’iyyar ta amince da manufofin ‘yan tada kayar baya domin hada sabuwar mazaba (kamar lokacin sabuwar yarjejeniyar a shekarun 1930).
Duk da wasu bambance-bambancen da ke tsakanin su, tarin gungun masu adawa da tsaffin masu gadi na jam'iyyar Democratic Party da masu ba da tallafi na kamfanoni a yanzu suna neman gina ababen more rayuwa masu zaman kansu da za su ba su damar daukar 'yan takara masu adawa da gwamnati. Suna neman gina tushen zamantakewa don ra'ayoyin hagu. Kuma suna aiki don ƙirƙira roƙon da za su ba su damar haɗa manyan mutane masu ƙarfi. Da zarar sun sami nasara, za su kara yin tasiri a fagen siyasar jam'iyyar Amurka - ko da ainihin siffar wannan alamar na iya zama da wahala a iya hasashen.
Su wanene masu gyara a yau?
Da yawa a cikin wannan yanayin motsi na zamantakewa ba sa amfani da yaren daidaitawa. Amma wasu ƴan ƙungiyoyi, irin su Sunrise da Justice Democrats, sun ɗaga ra'ayin a matsayin wani muhimmin sashi na hangen nesansu na canji. Masu dabara a cikin waɗannan ƙungiyoyi sune masu daidaitawa a yau.
Ga Babban Darakta na Democrats Alexandra Rojas da Daraktan Sadarwa Waleed Shahid, yakin Sanders miƙa kawai ɗanɗano ne na "abin da zai yiwu a canza Jam'iyyar Demokraɗiyya zuwa abin hawa don ɗorewan canjin zamantakewa." A halin da ake ciki, wanda ya kafa Sunrise Will Lawrence ya bayyana kwarin gwiwa game da fa'idar sake dawowa a matsayin dabara. "Asirin miya ne," in ji shi. "Ba za mu iya yin abin da muke da shi ba tare da fahimtar daidaito da ƙungiyoyin da ke jagorantar yadda muke zaɓen siyasa ba."
Don haka menene mahimmancin ra'ayin sake daidaitawa yake da shi ga yadda waɗannan ƙungiyoyin ke aiki?
Darussan da za a iya samu daga tarihin ra'ayi suna cike da fa'idodi. Littattafan ilimi game da daidaitawa sun fi bayyana - neman fahimtar abubuwan da suka faru a baya a tarihin siyasar Amurka - maimakon rubutattun bayanai. Ba ya ba da kyakkyawar hanya ta gaba ga waɗanda ke neman tsara ƙungiyoyin zamantakewa. Guido Girgenti, darektan watsa labarai na Justice Democrats kuma wanda ya kafa Sunrise, yayi tunani akan wannan ƙalubalen a cikin littafin fitowar rana na 2020 "Samun Koren Sabon Yarjejeniyar.” "Sake daidaitawa ba su da kyau, da wuya kuma babba," in ji shi a cikin wata muqala da aka rubuta tare da Shahid. "Babu mutum ɗaya ko rukuni da ke da hannunsu gaba ɗaya a kan rudder, kuma babu wata hanyar mataki-mataki don yin nasara."
Wadannan damuwa duk da haka, manufar sake daidaitawa yana da wasu muhimman tasiri masu amfani ga ƙungiyoyin da suke amfani da shi, yana ba su harshe don haskaka wani tsari na la'akari da dabarun da suka taso yayin da suke tsara hanyar "cikin waje" ga siyasa. Uku daga cikin waɗannan illolin sun fi dacewa a bayyana su.
Na farko, kamar yadda Rustin ya ba da shawarar tun da daɗewa, yin tunani game da daidaitawa yana ƙarfafa ƙungiyoyin motsi don bayyana manyan buƙatun da suka wuce aiki har abada a matsayin ƙungiyoyin matsin lamba na waje ko lobbies guda ɗaya. Maimakon neman kawai neman rangwame ta hanyar zama ƙaya a gefen zaɓaɓɓun jami'ai da sauran masu madafun iko, masu ra'ayin mazan jiya suna yunƙurin neman mulki. Mike Davis, Girgenti da Shahid sun rubuta cewa, "Ayyukan daidaita tsarin zamani shine watakila babbar manufar da motsi zai iya nema a siyasar Amurka." A cikin bin manufofinsu irin su Green New Deal, Sunrise da Justice Democrats suna neman ba kawai don canza hankali na gama gari game da hanyoyin da al'ummarmu ke buƙata ba, har ma don tallafawa irin wannan sauyin al'adu tare da sake fasalin ƙungiyoyin siyasa waɗanda za su iya ja. masu amfani da karfin gwamnati.
Wani maxim da aka ambata sau da yawa yana ɗauka cewa bai kamata masu shirya su yi tunani game da Democrats a matsayin tarin mutane masu tunani iri ɗaya ba. A maimakon haka su dauki jam’iyyar a matsayin fagen gwagwarmaya.
Na biyu, ra'ayin ya karkata ga masu son yin aiki a cikin Jam'iyyar Dimokuradiyya, amma har ma ga yin rikici da wasu a cikin babban tanti na jam'iyyar. Tsayawa mafi rinjaye wanda zai iya kayar da 'yan Republican masu ra'ayin mazan jiya yana da mahimmanci. Sai dai kamar yadda yake da matukar muhimmanci ga wadannan kungiyoyi shine makasudin ciyar da wani bangare na jam'iyyar Dimokuradiyya gaba, da nufin mayar da wannan bangaren na jam'iyyar ya zama mafi rinjaye. Wannan jujjuyawar tana haifar da banbanci tsakanin faɗuwar rana da rukuni kamar, ƙungiyar masu jefa ƙuri'a ta Kiyaye. Ƙarshen gabaɗaya yana aiki don samun ƙarin zaɓe na Democrat (kuma lokaci-lokaci endorsers 'Yan jam'iyyar Republican da ke da bayanan kada kuri'a na masu ra'ayin muhalli), ba tare da ingiza wani gagarumin sauyi na akida a cikin jam'iyyar ba. A halin da ake ciki Sunrise yana ɗaukar dabarun fuskantar gaba, yana mai da hankali kan zaɓen zakarun da - a layi tare da Piven - riƙe aiki kai tsaye a matsayin babban ɓangaren rerar sa. A shirye take ta yi amfani da duka biyun bugun ƙofa da zaman dirshan a matsayin hanyoyin tasiri da tsarin jam’iyya da aƙidarta.
A cikin bincikensa na al'ada na 1942 akan siyasar dimokuradiyya, EE Schatsneider aka bayyana jam'iyyar siyasa a matsayin "yunƙurin da aka tsara don samun ikon gwamnati." Masanin kimiyyar siyasa na zamani Daniel Schlozman ƙara, "Saboda jam'iyyun siyasa suna tsara rikice-rikice na zamantakewa ... suna kuma tsara hanyoyin da za a iya yin motsi don cimma tasiri mai gudana." Amma a Amurka, fifikon tsarin jam'iyyar yana nufin cewa an tsara waɗannan damar ta hanyoyi da ba a saba gani ba. A cikin ƙasashe masu tsarin majalisu, sauye-sauye na daidaitawa sun fi fitowa a cikin muhawara tsakanin jam'iyyun siyasa daban-daban masu akidu daban-daban. Wadannan jam'iyyun na iya yanke shawarar ko za su shiga gwamnatocin hadin gwiwa da juna ko a'a. Duk da haka, a Amurka, tsarin jam'iyyu biyu da ke da tushe yana nufin ana tashe-tashen hankula tsakanin ƙungiyoyi daban-daban cikin manyan jam'iyyun. "A kowace ƙasa ni da Joe Biden ba za mu kasance cikin jam'iyya ɗaya ba," in ji Ocasio-Cortez ya bayyana. "Amma a Amurka, muna."
Idan aka yi la’akari da wannan gaskiyar, babban abin da aka ambata sau da yawa ya ɗauka cewa bai kamata masu shirya su yi tunani game da Democrats a matsayin tarin mutane masu tunani iri ɗaya ba. A maimakon haka su dauki jam’iyyar a matsayin fagen gwagwarmaya. Kamar yadda Rojas da Shahid rubuta, "Ba kungiya ba ce, filin wasa ne."
A wata hira da Diss mujallar, Shahid ya ci gaba bayani A kan wannan dalili: "Kyakkyawan hanyar tunani game da halin da ake ciki a siyasar Amurka a yau shi ne cewa bangaren hagu na jam'iyyar - duk wani lakabin da kake son amfani da shi - ƙaramin abokin tarayya ne ga babban abokin tarayya a cikin gwamnatin haɗin gwiwa," in ji shi. yace. "Babban abokin tarayya shine jam'iyyar Pelosi da Schumer da Hakeem Jeffries da Dianne Feinstein. Suna da ƙarin iko. Amma muna cikin hadin gwiwa tare don samun sama da kashi 50 cikin XNUMX kuma mu hana ‘yan Republican daga mulki.”
Dogon lokaci, ra'ayin shine a canza ma'auni na iko ta yadda hagu ya zama ƙungiya mai rinjaye, yana mai da matsayi na yanzu. A wannan lokacin, masu cin gashin kansu na siyasa masu haɗari da ke neman fitar da "masu zaman kansu" da kuma matsayi marasa jayayya za su yi koyi da kansu bayan masu ci gaba, maimakon Clintonian "New Democrats" na baya. "Idan ka kalli tarihin Amurka," Shahid jayayya, “Ba wai kawai ’yan akida ba ne irin su [ zakaran yaki da bautar kasa ] Thaddeus Stevens ko [Mai ba da shawara kan ma’aikata na New Deal-era] Robert Wagner ne ke tafiyar da harkokin siyasa, har ma… canzawa a ƙarƙashin su. Wannan babbar alama ce mai kyau ga mafi girman yanayin daidaitawa. Aƙalla a karatuna na tarihi, haka canji ya faru: ba wai jam’iyya ce kawai ta zaɓe ku ba, ku ma ku haɗa kai da jam’iyyar.”
Karatun agogon duniya
Sakamakon na uku na tunani game da daidaitawa shine cewa yana ƙarfafa masu fafutuka su yi la'akari da hankali game da haɗin gwiwar ƙungiyoyin zamantakewa a wasan kwaikwayo a fagen siyasar Amurka. Realigners sau da yawa suna ambaton marigayi, mai shirya gasar Detroit Grace Lee Boggs, wacce ta bukaci masu fafutukar neman sauyi su tambayi, "Yaya lokaci ne a agogon duniya?"
Mutum na iya yin laifi ga masana dabarun da suka gabata kamar Rustin da Harrington don yin kuskuren ƙididdige yadda sassan babban birnin kasar, aiki ko dama za su amsa ga yanayin zamantakewa. Amma shirye-shiryensu na siyasa, ba kamar yawancin ayyuka na sassaucin ra'ayi ba, ba su samo asali ne kawai a kan manufa ko tunanin fata ba. A maimakon haka, sun dogara ne da duban kurakuran da ke cikin manyan jam'iyyu da kuma hangen nesa mai ma'ana na yadda ƙungiyar masu rinjaye za ta iya kasancewa a cikin tashe-tashen hankula na zamantakewa na 1960s. Irin wannan bincike da gangan na igiyoyin ruwa da ke kwararowa a cikin zaɓen Amurka tabbas ana buƙatar yanzu.
Za a iya samun tushen tsari don daidaitawa a yau? Masu gyara na yanzu suna son amincewa da hagu-populist bincike cewa faduwar tattalin arziki na 2008 da rashin tsaro na dadewa da ma'aikata ke fuskanta ya haifar da rikicin halalcin ra'ayin neoliberalism. A sassa da dama na duniya, jam’iyyun gargajiya ba su bayar da isasshiyar mafita ba, don haka sun yi hasarar ƙungiyoyin masu tayar da kayar baya waɗanda ke nuna bacin ran jama’a ga manyan mutane.
Tabbas, ba masu ci gaba ba ne kawai suke ƙoƙarin cike gurbin. Kamar yadda yake a baya, 'yancin ya yi imani da daidaitawa, kuma. Masu ra'ayin mazan jiya na kabilanci, suna wasa musamman kan korafe-korafen kabilanci, sun nuna cewa su ma za su iya hau kan rashin yarda; Donald Trump ba shi ne mafi kankanta a cikinsu. A halin yanzu, faɗuwar cutar ta COVID-19 da hauhawar rikice-rikice na sauyin yanayi sun haifar da rugujewar odar da ta gabata.
Neoliberal “New Democrats” mai yiwuwa sun taɓa samun ƙarfi a cikin jam’iyyarsu. Amma ko da babban dan tsakiya Rahm Emanuel, tsohon magajin garin Chicago kuma mai ba da shawara ga shugabannin Demokradiyya da yawa, ya yarda cewa yankin ya canza tun daga lokacin. "Amin," in ji shi ya bayyana a farkon 2020, "yanayin yau ya fi abokantaka don ra'ayoyin ci gaba fiye da lokacin da Mr. Clinton ko Mr. Obama ke takara." A wani bangare, wannan yana nuna kwazon aiki da ƙungiyoyi suka rigaya suka yi wajen tsara ra'ayin jama'a. Amma kuma yana taimakawa ta hanyar alƙaluma. Kamar yadda Shahid yayi jayayya, “Daya daga cikin alamomin daidaitawa da ke faruwa a yau shine canjin tsararraki. Millennials sun bayyana kansu a matsayin hagu na akida idan aka kwatanta da sauran tsararraki. "
Har ila yau, ƙasar tana ƙara samun bambance-bambance, tare da ƙarfin tsofaffin ƙungiyoyin jefa ƙuri'a na farar fata da ke lalacewa ta fuskar motsin alƙaluman jama'a zuwa "ƙasa mafi rinjaye- tsiraru". Waɗannan abubuwan suna ba da bege ga farfaɗo da nau'in daidaitawar da Haɗin gwiwar Rainbow na 1980s ya yi hasashe. Tare da waɗannan layukan, Rojas da Shahid sun faɗi ɗan tarihi Barbara Ransby, wanda ya rubuta na Squad: "Suna cikin hikima suna yin aiki kamar suna wakiltar yawancin alƙaluma da siyasa waɗanda tsarar su za ta zama."
Ransby ya kara da cewa "Ba makomar jam'iyyar Democrat kadai ba ce." "Su ne nan gaba."
Duk da haka, Shahid yayi kashedin, “Ni ba wanda ke tunanin alƙaluman alƙaluma ba ne. Har yanzu ku yi siyasa.” Wannan yana nufin yanke hukunci mai tsauri. Duk da yake daidaitawa na iya ba ƙungiyoyi kamar Sunrise da Adalci Democrats ma'anar ma'anar yadda za su ƙirƙira martanin su ga yanayin siyasa, yana barin manyan tambayoyi da yawa ba a amsa ba. Misali, masu dabara dole ne su auna mahimmancin “karfafawa” da “canzawa” - ko dai bangaren da ke neman mulki ya kamata ya mai da hankali kan kara kuzarin nasa tushe ko kuma kawar da mutanen da suka sadaukar da kansu ga wasu kungiyoyi a baya. "Idan manazarta tattarawa sun yi daidai, sabbin masu jefa kuri'a sune mabuɗin don daidaitawa," Piven ya bayyana a cikin littafinta mai suna "Challenging Authority." A gefe guda, "idan manazarta juyin juya hali sun yi daidai, canza amincin jam'iyya tsakanin masu jefa kuri'a na yanzu shine mabuɗin."
Sauran tambayoyin sun haɗa da: Yadda za a tsara "labari-aji na kabilanci” tare da tartsatsin roko? Nawa ne ƙungiyoyin da za su bari su kai hari ga masu matsakaicin matsayi a cikin gundumomin Demokraɗiyya masu “shuɗi” masu ƙarfi da ƙoƙarin maye gurbinsu da zakarun ci gaba, tare da bin dabarun jihohi 50 da ƙoƙarin yin nasara a wuraren da ba a zata ba? Shin ya kamata masu tayar da kayar baya su rungumi manufar wakiltar “rai na jam’iyya” na gaskiya, ko kuma su yi watsi da yare na bangaranci kuma su kai hari kan tsarin Jam’iyyar Democrat a matsayin wani bangare na kafa? Yaya "hadin gwiwa"Ya kamata su kasance tare da wasu kungiyoyi a wani lokaci - ciki har da wadanda ba za su yarda da su ba - da kuma yadda za a iya fuskantar juna?
Ko da a lokacin da suke la'akari da waɗannan matsalolin, masu shirya za su iya yin ta'aziyya wajen samun kyakkyawan ra'ayi game da aikin da suke fuskanta. "Hankali na gama gari a cikin ƙasa yana wargajewa," in ji Sunrise a cikin horarwar masu fafutuka. "Muna da damar tsararraki don tsara ta. Idan ba mu yi ba, dama za ta yi. Ƙaddamar da yawan jama'a shine game da haɗakar mafi girman 'mu' mai yiwuwa da kuma cin nasara [a kan] hankali fiye da motsinmu da batutuwa." Shin gaggawar da ke cikin irin wannan hangen nesa zai iya haifar da sake tsara siyasar Amurka? Yayin da wasu ke kallon tarihi a matsayin labari na taka tsantsan, masu gyara na yau suna samun kwarin gwiwa daga masu shiryawa na baya waɗanda suka yi kokawa da wannan babban buri kuma wasu lokuta, ba mai yiwuwa ba, sun yi nasara.
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