It feels like the end game. In the US last week, the third perverse and highly partisan supreme court decision in a few days made American efforts to prevent climate breakdown almost impossible. Ruling in favour of the state ofĀ West Virginia, the court decided that the Environmental Protection Agency is not entitled to restrict carbon dioxide emissions from power stations.
The day before, in the UK, the governmentās climate change committee reported aĀ āshockingā failureĀ by Boris Johnsonās administration to meet its climate targets. So stupid and perverse are its policies on issues such asĀ energy savingĀ that itās hard to see this as anything other than failure by design. On the day of the supreme court ruling, the UK government also announced that itĀ intended to scrapĀ the law protecting the UKās most important wildlife sites.
But the final straw for me was a smaller decision. After two decades of disastrous policies that turned its rivers intoĀ open sewers, Herefordshire county council, following a shift from Tory to independent control, finally did the right thing. It applied to the government to create a water protection zone, defending the River Wye against the pollution pushing it towards complete ecological collapse. But in a letter published last week, the UKās environment minister, Rebecca Pow,Ā refused permission, claiming it āwould impose new and distinct regulatory obligations on the farmers and businesses within the catchmentā. This is, of course, the point.
Itās the pettiness of the decision that makes it so shocking. Even when the cost to the government is small, it seems determined to destroy everything good and valuable about this country. Itās as if, when ministers go to bed, they ask themselves, āWhat have I done to make the UK a worse place today?ā
Just at the point at which we need a coordinated global effort to escape our existential crises ā climate breakdown, ecological breakdown, the rising tide ofĀ synthetic chemicals, a gathering global food emergency ā those who wield power string razor wire across the exit.
When I began work as an environmental journalist in 1985, I knew I would struggle against people with a financial interest in destructive practices. But I never imagined that we would one day confront what appears to be an ideological commitment to destroying life on Earth. The UK government and theĀ US supreme courtĀ look as if they are willing the destruction of our life support systems.
The supreme courtās ruling was neither random nor based on established legal principles. It arose from a concerted programme to replace democracy in the US with judicial dictatorship.
As SenatorĀ Sheldon Whitehouse has documented, hundreds of millions of dollars in dark money (funds whose sources are unknown) were poured into the nomination and confirmation of the three judges appointed to the court by Donald Trump. Among the groups leading these campaigns wasĀ Americans for Prosperity, set up by the Koch brothers: oil tycoons with aĀ long recordĀ of funding radical rightwing causes. As an investigation by Earth Uprising shows, thereās aĀ strong correlationĀ between the amount of oil and gas money US senators have received, and their approval of Trumpās supreme court justice nominations.
Once the favoured justices were in place, the same networks started using their financial power to steer their decisions. They do so through āamicus briefsā: advice notes to the court supporting a plaintiffās position. The judicial process is meant to be unswayed by political pressure, but amicus briefs have become one of the most powerful of all lobbying tools. As Whitehouse points out, the funders of these briefs are ānot just āfriends of the courtā ā in many cases, they are quite literally friends of the judges they have put on the courtā.
While some oligarchs lobby within the judicial system, others operate to great effect outside it, distorting public perceptions about such rulings through a barrage of propaganda in the media. No one, arguably, has done more to stymie effective environmental action than Rupert Murdoch.
In this case, the supreme court has strayedĀ way beyondĀ its mandate of interpreting the law, into the territory of the executive and the legislature: making the law. It is imposing policies that would never survive democratic scrutiny, if they were put to the vote. By seizing control ofĀ regulatory power, it sets a precedent that could stymie almost any democratic decision.
All this might seem incomprehensible. Why would anyone want to trash the living world? Surely even billionaires want a habitable and beautiful planet? Donāt they like snorkelling on coral reefs, salmon fishing in pristine rivers, skiing on snowy mountains? We suffer from a deep incomprehension of why such people act as they do. We fail to distinguish preferences from interests, and interests from power. It is hard for those of us who have no desire for power over others to understand people who do. So we are baffled by the decisions they make, and attribute them to other, improbable causes. Because we do not understand them, we are the more easily manipulated.
The media often represent politiciansā interests as if they were mere political preferences. Very rarely is the lobbying and political funding behind a decision explained in the news. The Conservatives donāt permit intensive livestock units and sewage treatment works to pour filth into rivers because they like pollution. They do so on behalf of the powerful interests to whom they feel obliged, such as the water companies and their shareholders, the farming lobbies and the billionaire press.
But even financial interests fail fully to explain whatās going on. The oligarchs seeking to stamp out US democracy have gone way beyond the point of attending only to their net worth. Itās no longer about money for them. Itās about brute power: about watching the world bow down before them. For this rush of power, they would forfeit the Earth.
All these cases expose the same political vulnerability: the ease with which democracy is crushed by the power of money. We cannot protect the living world, or womenās reproductive rights, or anything else we value until we get the money out of politics, and break up the media empires that make a mockery of informed political consent.
Since 1985, Iāve been told we donāt have time to change the system: we should concentrate only on single issues. But weāve never had time not to change the system. In fact, because of the way in whichĀ social attitudes can suddenly tip, system change can happen much faster than incrementalism. Until we change our political systems, making it impossible for the rich to buy the decisions they want, we will lose not only individual cases. We will lose everything.
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