āOur Countryās biggest enemy is the Fake News,ā President Trump tweeted last week, in his latest attack on the nationās press. A week earlier, federal prosecutors revealed they had secretly captured yearsā worth of phone and email data from journalist Ali Watkins, who broke several high-profile stories related to the Senate Intelligence Committee. A former top aide on the committee, James Wolfe, has been charged with lying to the FBI about his contacts with the press. Meanwhile, Reporters Without Borders recently dropped the United States to number 45 in its annual ranking of press freedom. When the group first published its list in 2002, the United States came in at number 17. We speak with the nationās best-known investigative journalist, Seymour Hersh. He has a new book out looking back on his more than half-century of scoops and digging up secrets. Itās titled āReporter: A Memoir.ā
JUAN GONZĆLEZ: āOur Countryās biggest enemy is the Fake News.ā Those were the words of President Trump last week. It was just his latest attack on the nationās press. A week earlier, federal prosecutors revealed they had secretly captured yearsā worth of phone and email data from a reporter, Ali Watkins, who broke several high-profile stories related to the Senate Intelligence Committee. A former top aide on the committee, James Wolfe, has been charged with lying to the FBI about his contacts with the press.
Meanwhile, Reporters Without Borders recently dropped the United States to number 45 in its annual ranking of press freedom. When the group first published its list in 2002, the United States was at number 17.
Well, to talk about the state of the media and howāwe spend the hour with the nationās best-known investigative journalist, Seymour Hersh. In 1970, he won the Pulitzer Prize for his reporting on how the U.S. slaughtered more than 500 Vietnamese women, children and old men in the village of My Lai on March 16, 1968. The event became known as the My Lai massacre.
AMY GOODMAN: Sy Hersh went on to expose many of the governmentās deepest secrets, from Nixonās bombing of Cambodia to the CIA spying on antiwar activists, to the CIAās role undermining the Chilean government of Salvador Allende. Former CIA Director William Colby once privately complained about Hersh, saying, quote, āHe knows more about this place than I do.ā
Well, Sy Hersh has also helped uncover how the U.S. has secretly carried out assassinations across the globe. Hersh continued to break major stories after the September 11th attacks, most notably, in 2004, he exposed the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse scandal in Iraq that shocked the world.
Well, Seymour Hersh is out with a new book, looking back on his more than half a century of scoops and digging up secrets. Itās called Reporter: A Memoir.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Itās great to have you for the hour, Sy.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Glad to be back.
AMY GOODMAN: So, why donāt we begin, before we go back in time at your remarkable investigative reporting, to your assessment of the press today in this era of Trump?
SEYMOUR HERSH: Iām ecstatic that, finally, the major media is no longer trying to cope with tweets, and digging into real news. Whatās happened in Mexico, you know, itās been going on for two months. It only took ProPublica to get a tape and to get the Democrats going. That it was a political issue was not seen. I donāt know whatās wrong with, whatās going on with the press. It took them a long time to get it.
You mentioned Yemen. Youāre one of the few people, this program, that continually reports about Yemen. And itās not just weāre aiding. Weāre supplying intelligence. Weāre refueling planes. Weāre working very closely with the United Arab Emirates and, of course, the Saudis, who are doing most of the horrific stuff thatās going on.
And talk aboutāitās terrible whatās happening at the border. My wife just gave a lot of money to some group, and itās gotten everybody going. But itās been going on for two months. And while theāwhat Iāve been screaming about is: Stop worrying about the tweets. I was at a conference of journalists in Orlando last week, investigative reporters and editors, and I spent a day talkingā
AMY GOODMAN: With Juan.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Yes, and 1,800 kids there, in a down time economically. Thereās something going on. People understand the need for really good reporting. The things that the government are doing, this government are doing, below the surface, for exampleāI was talking to a lot of reporters about it, local reportersātheyāre lowering the standards of safety for baby cribs, because some manufacturer went to somebody connected in the government and laid offāwho knows, whatever, politically or economically. I mean, this is going on across the board.
And meanwhile, weāre focused on this manās tweets. And the more we focus in the pressāfor months, I was going nuts, because he goes up in the polls. A lot of people in America that like the idea that thereās somebody out there that doesnāt care about the press. Anyway, theyāve got their teeth into something, finally, and itās going. They treat Haley, this woman who wantsāis running for president, seriously. I canāt believe they treat the womanā
AMY GOODMAN: The U.S. ambassador to U.N.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Oh, my god! How can you possibly treat her seriously? Sheās been a prop for over a year in the job. And so, I think things are changing. This could be a turning point. You know, I say that, but all he had to do is change the policy, and then weāre back into listening to tweets.
JUAN GONZĆLEZ: Well, you describe yourself in your book as a survivor of the golden age of journalism. Could you talk about what was the golden age of journalism? And compare that to, as youāre saying, all of these hundreds and hundreds of kids that we saw this past weekend in Orlando seeking to become investigative reporters.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Right now what you have is such a division in the media that thereās no middle ground. Thereās noāwhen I worked, I was a freelance reporter, and I understood, even then, a story was a story. And it wasnāt looked at as are you either pro- or anti-Trump or, you know, whatever. Right now you have a situation, because of the craziness of cable news, which takes any information they get and blasts it out there with no thoughtāweāre all driven. And the public hasāthey used to turn to The New York Times, my old newspaper, for which I worked for years, happily, in the ’70s, as an arbiter of integrity and truth. Right now, everybody is seen as either pro- or anti-. You don’t have a middle ground.
And what I meant by the golden age is you could write a story and get it published, and people would believe it. Now you can write a story and get it published, and people will say, āWellā¦ā As many people, even in thisāyou saw, in your own broadcast, manyāhe still gets support from many people in America, when he starts talking this crazy, insane stuff about immigrants. And so, thereās noāthereās no national standard. The Times used to be a national standard. Thereās so much division in the country right now, caused by him, but itās been going on for a long time, sort of the secularāI donāt want to use the word āsecular.ā Itās the wrong word. But just the notion that you can take your choice: If you like Trump, you watch this; if you donāt like him, you watch something else. Thereās no middle ground.
AMY GOODMAN: Weāre going to take a break, and then weāre going to go back in time, because even as you talk about the golden age of reporting and journalism, when you had your My Lai exposĆ©, this astounding story in Vietnamāand it wasnāt the only massacre, obviously, even not even the largest massacreābut your story was turned down everywhere, even as you continued to report it. Weāre talking to the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Seymour Hersh for the hour. Stay with us.
AMY GOODMAN: Seymour Hersh is our guest for the hour. The award-winning investigative journalist, based in Washington, D.C., has been a staff writer for The New Yorker, The New York Times, awarded the Pulitzer Prize as a freelancer in 1970 for his exposĆ© of the My Lai massacre in Vietnam. His new memoir is just out. Itās called Reporter: A Memoir.
So, March 16th, 1968, Sy. We have students, classes coming through here every week. When you say My Lai, the vast majority of the kids have never heard of it. In a nutshell, tell us what it is you exposed. And this is amazing. You did this as a freelance reporter. Where were you working? How did you find this story out?
SEYMOUR HERSH: I had a little office in the National Press building. I had been a reporter for the Associated Press covering the Pentagon, ’66 and ā67. I got in trouble there with the management. But I learned then OJT, on-the-job training, from officers. There’s a lot of integrity in the service. There really is. A lot of people take the oath of office to the Constitution and mean it, not to their general and not to the president. And so, I learned from those people that it was a killing zone. It was just massacre. And I came away thinking, āMy god.ā And I started reading, of course. You have toācanāt write. Youāve got to read before you write. So I was ready to believe a tip, in ’69, that there had been a terrible massacre. The thing is, I didn’t know how bad it was until I got into it.
What happened is, a group of American kids, to their creditāthey were just country boys. Those days, the kids in the street, we had more African Americans than in the population, more Hispanics than the population, a lot of rural kids, American kids, from small villages across the country. And weāre not talking about big city kids in this company, a few, but very few. And they were told how bad the communists were. There were told, one day, they were going toātomorrow, youāre going toātheyāve been in the country for three months, lost about 30 percent of their people through snipers. Theyād fall into pits with sticks with poison on themāI mean, horrible stuff. And so they began to hate. And they were allowed to hate. And there was a lot of ignorance about the society, about the culture of Vietnam. And they hadāthey were just in one of the worst divisions of the war, Americal Division. The way the war was, you could do anything you wanted, kill people, because it was always seen as a violation of rules and not as a criminal act. So thatās how they covered up stuff.
So, they were ready to go. They were ready. They were told they were going to meet the enemy for the first time in three months of being in country. They had never seen the enemy. They just were shot at. And they went into this village of about 500 people, possibly more, and they expected to see the enemy there. The intelligence, as it always is, was bad. There was noāthe 48th North Vietnamese Division was nowhere near the place. Thatās what they thought. And instead of meeting the enemy, there were just families, women and children and old men. And so they began to murder them. They put them in ditches. And they raped. They killed. They threw babies upāthis was hard for me to even, in the first yearāand caught them on bayonets. I mean, some of the stuff I kept out of the initial story, it was just so awful.
JUAN GONZĆLEZ: And you initially heard that there was a lieutenant being charged with some of these atrocities? And talk about how you tracked him down.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Actually, what I first heard, it came from a wonderful man named Geoff Cowan, who was just out of law school, who was then in aāhe was just in a new public policy group, social law firm, thatāone of the first set up in Washington. And he heard this tip, and he figured I might do it. He didnāt know where to go. And I started chasing it. He said it was an enlisted man went crazy. And so, what I thought it was, from myāI had read the Russell Tribunal, which everybody poo-pooed. But the Russell Tribunal, Bertrand Russell Tribunal, published, I guess, in ’65 or ā66, had a long section on stuff going on in the war that was amazing. And I found one of the guys that testified, so I knew it was true. And so, I thought something bad happened. I thought maybe they threw rockets into a village. They used to have sometimesāeven in as early as ā65, they’d go into a village, and there wouldnāt be any enemy there. And the soldiers would be frustrated. And the officers would say to the guys in tanks and the guys with machine guns, āYou have an mad minute.ā So they just shoot up everything in the village. Literally, thatās whatās going on, according to the Russellāand it was true. So I knew that.
What I didnāt knowāI mean, we were censored in World War II. We all know that. We didnāt see the photographs. We didnāt know how bad it was. We didnāt know how both sides treated each other. So I didnāt know, either. And as Iām doing the story, Iām learning itās not just some bombing or some mad moment. Itās a group of soldiers spending a day putting people in ditches, shooting them at will.
There was one scene, they had maybe 80 people in a ditch, and a young man named Paul Meadlo, who I interviewedāI found him. And they sprayed bullets into it. And some motherāI didnāt share this story for a long time. Some mother had tucked a babyāeverybody was killed, they thought, maybe, as I say, 80 people. Thereās a famous photograph of the ditch. She kept her little 2-year-old baby protected. And about 10 minutes after theyāve done the shooting, they were having lunch, their K-rations, sitting there around the ditch. And this little boy, full of other peopleās blood, crawled up to the top of the ditch, keening, screaming, and began to run away when he got to the top. And Lieutenant Calley said to Paul Meadlo, who had done most of the shooting, a farm boy from a place called New Goshen, Indiana, you know, had barely gotten through high school and was takenāthe Army lowered its standards very quickly in the war, because they didnāt want bright kids there, because they would talk about whatās going on. I say that seriously. Seriously. That was the motive, McNamara, who was a psychotic liar. I figured that out when I was even in the Pentagon. Anyway, so this kid is running away, and Calley says to Meadlo, āPlug him.ā And Meadlo, who had been shooting in the ditch, couldnāt shoot one. So, Calley, the great man of the world, ran up behind him with hisāthe officers had a smaller rifle and a carbineāand shot him in the back of the head, blew off his head.
AMY GOODMAN: The baby, the child.
SEYMOUR HERSH: The baby, in front of his own soldiers. Iām learning this. I sayā
AMY GOODMAN: I want to turn to Private First Class Paul Meadlo, speaking about his involvement in the My Lai massacre. In 1969, he spoke to CBSās Mike Wallace on national television about what happened.
PAUL MEADLO: Well, I might have killed about 10 or 15 of them.
MIKE WALLACE: Men, women and children?
PAUL MEADLO: Men, women and children.
MIKE WALLACE: And babies.
PAUL MEADLO: And babies.
MIKE WALLACE: Why did you do it?
PAUL MEADLO: Why did I do it? Because I felt like I was ordered to do it. Well, at the time, I felt like I was doing the right thing. I really did.
MIKE WALLACE: Youāre married?
PAUL MEADLO: Right.
MIKE WALLACE: Children?
PAUL MEADLO: Two.
MIKE WALLACE: How can a father of two young children shoot babies?
PAUL MEADLO: I donāt know. Itās just one of them things.
AMY GOODMAN: Paul Meadlo, saying, āIt was just one of them things,ā speaking on 60 Minutes in 1969. Youā
JUAN GONZĆLEZ: And you had some involvement in getting him there?
SEYMOUR HERSH: Oh, my god. He wasāI wroteāwhat happened is, I had got the tip. I found my way to Fort Benning, where CalleyāI found my way to Calley. I had aāI saw a document in which he was initially accused of killing 109 or 111 āOriental human beings.ā āOriental human beings.ā And I remember going nuts. Does that mean one Oriental equals how many whites, how many blacks? And I did do something. The one thing I did, that made a friend of life for me with Mel Laird, the secretary of defense, a congressman who was then secretary of defense, who was appalled, too, by this, I did go to his peopleāto him, actually, pretty much directly, and said, āIām going to take this out, because this is so frigginā racist, that I think any American soldier walking down a street in South Vietnam could be executed for having done that.ā So I did take it out. I didnāt write that. āOriental human beingsā is what they wrote.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, you said youāre going to take it out.
SEYMOUR HERSH: I didnāt put that in.
AMY GOODMAN: Youāre going to omit it from the story.
SEYMOUR HERSH: I just took out the word āOriental.ā I said, āI justāyou canāt be that dumb. You canāt be that crazily racist.ā And it was to charge him with. Anyway, thatās just a sideshow. I did it because I just thought too many American boys who had nothing to do with it would be executed, but just shot at random. It would create so much anger. And I donāt second-guess that. I mean, it was bad enough, what I had, believe me, what they did.
And I found Calley. And nobody wanted it. I had not only been a correspondent for the Pentagon at the AP, I had worked withābeen Eugene McCarthyās press secretary, wrote a lot of speeches for him. I had been knownāall the reporters knew me. They had to deal with me. I also freelanced. And between ’67 and ā69, by this time, I had maybe written a dozen articles, including three or four for The New York Times Sunday Magazine, on all sorts of stuff. So they knew me. You know what itāeven when I got to The New York Times in ā72, later, appropriatingāyou know, they hired me. I was at The New Yorker then, and they hired me away. Even then, there were some stories I did that what they wanted me to do is maybe somebody else should do it first, and then they’ll do the second-day story.
AMY GOODMAN: But go back. You went to The New York Times. They didnāt want the story.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, no, I didnāt go near The New York Times, because they would stealāI was worried about them taking it over. I went to people I had worked for. I worked for LifeāI had a commitment from Life magazine. I hadāLook magazine was talking to me. I went to The New York Review of Books. Bob Silvers wanted to run it. And I was a friend of Izzy Stoneās.
Izzy Stone had picked upāIzzy Stone had some sort ofāI had been a reporter for the Pentagon for only about a month or two, and he saw something in my stories that made himāhe used to go out Sunday morning to the major out-of-city newspaper stand at 6:00 in the morning to buy 20 papers. And one morningāI neverāI knew who he was, through my mother-in-law, who had been a subscriber for years. One morning, about 6:30āI was just newly married. We had been partying, and it was Sunday morning. The call comes, and itās Izzy, aboutābefore 7:00, saying, āHave you seen page 19 of The Philadelphia Inquirer today?ā āWhat?ā So we became friends. And he wouldāwe would take walks. And I will tell you, if you ever want a tutorial from anybody in the world, you want it from Izzy Stone. The whole idea of readingāall he did was read everything. He did it all by simply brainpower. He was amazing. Anyway, and so, he was a mentor.
So, I couldnāt get anybody to buy it. Bob Silvers wanted to do it. He was going to remake the magazineāI came to him lateāand put itāIāll never forget this. And I had doneāthey boughtāI published a book on chemical and biological warfare that they had syndicated in ’68 or so. They had doneāthey had been friendly to me. I had done pieces for him. And I liked him. I liked the magazine andāmuch more radical. And what happened is, he wanted me to put a paragraph in, after theāhe was going to run it on the cover, the story. I just wrote a straightforward AP story: Lieutenant Calley did this and this, and he murdered this. And he wanted a paragraph saying, āThis shows why the war is bad.ā And I said, āBob, no, the story tells why the war is bad.ā And we had a fight. I actually pulled it out, because Iāand then, people ask meāone of the things they ask me about: How could you do that? Here’s a public place. Because the story deserved to be just there for everybody.
AMY GOODMAN: So, who published it?
SEYMOUR HERSH: A little antiwar news service, Dispatch News Service, which people donāt understand here. They had correspondents in Vietnam who knew Vietnamese, and they were a quite good service. And I was doing some stuff for them, because I really respected it. I gave it to them, thought, āWho knows?ā And somehow they got 35 front pages, the story. The American press was open to the story. And it was 1969. It wouldnāt be now. Some papers would run it, and some papers wouldnāt, because of the division. It was a different time. Andā
AMY GOODMAN: And you won the Pulitzer Prize for the story.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, but I kept on going. I found Meadlo. I got a company register. M-E-A-D-L-O. I knew he was somewhere in Indiana. I spentāI donāt knowā10 hours calling every phone directory in the state, ’til I finally found a M-E-A-D-L-O in a place called New Goshen. And I remember flying from Salt Lake City to Chicago to Indianapolis, getting a car. And when I got there, it’s this kid that hadāhe had killed these people.
Let me just tell you this story. The next day, he had his leg blown off. And he kept on screaming. This was what made everybody remember this. His leg was blown off, and he had done all the shooting. And he said to me Calleyāhe was talking about Lieutenant Calleyāhad ordered him to do it. He said, āGod has punished me, Lieutenant Calley, and God will punish you.ā
So I find this kid. Itās a rundown farm in this rural area near Terre Haute, near the Indiana state line, or in Indiana near the Illinois state line. And itās an old farmhouse. Thereās chickens running around all over. The coops arenāt attending. His motherāI had called earlier and gotten his mother. And she confirmed that was the boy, Paul, who had lost his leg. I go out there. Here comes this farm woman. This is a hardtack place. Sheās probably 50, looks 70. And I came out, and I have my little ratty suit on. I came in a car, rent-a-car. And I said, āIām the guy that called. Is Paulācan I see him?ā She said, āWell, he lives in that separate house there. I donāt know what heās going to do.ā And then this woman said to me, this woman who didnāt read newspapers, didnāt watch much newsāshe said to me, āI gave them a good boy, and they sent me back a murderer.ā I mean, are you kidding? And then I went in, and what I did with himāhe had a leg, and I spent the first 20 minutes asking him to show me the stump, and how did they treat him. And then he started talking.
And then, myāI had a friend who was working with Dispatch, David Obst, who later became Woodward and Bernsteinās literary agent. He was the guy packaging the story and somehow selling them. And he called up CBS, and they said, āBring him here.ā And he agreed to come, with his wife. He flew fromāwe went to Indianapolis, and he flew to New York. And he wantedāit was expiation. And he went on TV. And Mike Wallace, whoās tough as nails, asked himāhe asked him five times in that interview, āAnd babies?ā Again, he kept on saying, āAnd babies?ā And Mike was a very tough dude. And he got him there. And first, they were just interviewingāthey were practicing. And he asked him a question. He began to talk, and he said, āStop. Put on the cameras.ā And the kid just did it. And that turned the story, because at that point heās on television. Itās not Dispatch News selling stories to everybody for a hundred bucks. And it changed America.
And hereās what also killed me. After thatāit was the third story I did. I did two more. It was a Thursday, I think. It was on Walter Cronkite. Remember? We hadāwe had CBS News, was against the war. We had somethingāwe had a network news agency that actually took a stand on something. I mean, I donāt know what theyāre doing with this, the Mexico thing, but Iām sure theyāre being objective. Anyway, thereās no objectivity in this one. And so, what happened is, that Sunday, about 10 papers had their correspondents who had been in Vietnam. They told the story about whatāof a massacre they witnessed. So weāre dealing with self-censorship to a degree. And I learned a lot. You know what I learned? I learned I could handle them. I could run them. They could be mine.
JUAN GONZĆLEZ: I wanted to go back, before My Lai, and talk about a section of your memoir, which I really didnāt know that much about: your time with the presidential campaign of Eugene McCarthy. And you have this gripping account of you and McCarthy and the poet Robert Lowell going from town to town, drinking whiskey out of a flask while in between speeches of McCarthy. Talk about what drew you to the McCarthy campaign and why you eventually resigned.
SEYMOUR HERSH: I had left the AP, because my coverage on the war didnāt make the bosses happy, and they reassigned me from the Pentagon to Health and Human Services. I got the message, so I quit. I was freelancing. I had done stuff on chemical and biological warfare by then, doingāso I did what I did. And in late ’67, I hoped, like everybody else, Bobby would run against Johnson, because Johnson was simply gone on the war. He wasn’t going to quit, and everybody knew it.
JUAN GONZĆLEZ: Bobby Kennedy.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Yeah. And Bobby didnāt go. And my next-door neighbor wasāacross the street, was Mary McGrory, a wonderful columnist. And Mary came to see me and said, āGene, Gene McCarthy, is going to run.ā I didnāt know McCarthy. He was a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, but he was a very diffident guy. I knew he was bright. I went to see him. She said, āYouāve got to go see him. He needs help.ā And I go to see this guy, and he couldnāt care less about the press. But I didnāt know what to do. And I was finally convinced to go listen to him give a speech. He gave a speech in New York, and I was knocked out.
You know what he talked about? He talked about the Constitution, about what Lyndon Johnson was doing. He was a Benedictine, very religious. And then he said, āThis war is immoral.ā And Iād never heard a politician say something that was so profoundly true to me. Whatās morality other than the mass murder that was going on? And so I signed on. And I didnātāthe staff hated the campaign, but I got along with him. Iām smart, and I did a lot of work, and he liked me, you know. And he was an amazing man.
And what happened, that shaped my lifeāhe was from Minnesota. He was the Farm-Labor Party. He was from aāHumphrey was a typical prototype of the FDL, they call them. They were very conservative, anti-communist, but very liberal. And McCarthy was that way. He had been in a monastery, very interesting guy. I liked him a lot. But there were a lot of guys hanging around, fellow Irish Catholic buddies. And one of them, I knew, had been chief of station for the CIA in Laos. Donāt ask how I knew those things, but I was getting into it. So I asked him one day, āWhy are all these guys from the CIA around?ā And he told meāhe said, actually, well, he did favors for Jack for the CIA as a senator. Weāre justāthe bestā
AMY GOODMAN: John Kennedy.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Johnāthe best time I had was in the plane with him. And he had a wonderful daughter named Mary. And I used toāthe morning, Iād check, because he was a very difficult man, very private, very, very smart. Iād say, āHow is he today?ā One day, Mary, his oldest daughter, said to me, āAlienated as usual.ā She was his daughter. But so, he was just difficult. He didnāt like doing interviews. He didnāt think the kids that were supporting him en masse, shaving their hair for Geneāhe didnāt think he owed them anything. āTheyāre not there for me. Theyāre against the war.ā I had these fights with him all the time. But he explained to me that he was anti-communist. And he would sometimes take bags of money down to certain Catholic officials, public leaders, and particularly in Latin America. What? And I got to know a lot of guys in the CIA through him. So, if you wonder why, when Colby says heāthat little bit, thatās from an internal paper they did. They did a history of Colby. And thereās actually a long chapter on me. And he does say that, because I was doing domestic spying and allā
AMY GOODMAN: He says you knew more about the CIA than the CIA director, Colby, did.
SEYMOUR HERSH: I didnāt, but thatās all right. I would get him mad, because I would call up about things he didnāt want to talk about. But I got to know, through McCarthy, about the CIA, and thenāa strangest sort of connection. And so Gene was thisāanyway, it was a learning curve, and a great learning curve.
JUAN GONZĆLEZ: And why you resigned?
SEYMOUR HERSH: We won ināwe didāwe knocked out Johnson. Johnson quit in New Hampshire because we got almost 42 percent in a write-in vote. And actually, with the ballots fromāthat came in later, we beat him. And that was enough for Johnson. He quits. And then, of course, Bobby jumps in. Heroic Bobby. And they tried to hire me, and I wouldnāt go near him, because he didnāt come in when he should have. Iām a purist. And so, I went back to being a reporter, happily. Politics is awful. And what happened is, weāre in Wisconsin, and heās going to win the election big there. And thereās a lot of polling. And the polls showed that if he stayed away from the black community in Milwaukeeā
AMY GOODMAN: McCarthy.
SEYMOUR HERSH: McCarthyāthe Polish, the ethnic vote would be higher. He would get 62 percent against Johnson. But if he did theāif he marched with the blackāthere was a march scheduled in the black community. If he marched, he would go down to 58 percent. And they convinced him not to do it. And I had heard about it. You know, Iām running around with people like Lowell and Paul Newman, who was working, Robertāmovie stars. They were reallyāBob Ryan, Robert Ryan, all very bright, very committed. And we were working out of my office, giving speeches. And I couldnāt believe it. So I woke him up at 6:00 in the morning. And guys donāt like being woken up at 6:00 in the morning in the campaign. And I saidāand he said, āItās none of your business.ā And I quit. Iām not going toā
AMY GOODMAN: He said he wasnāt going toā
SEYMOUR HERSH: He didnātāhe wasnāt going to change hisāI thought he didnāt know what the staff was doing. There were a bunch of political guys who were already dreaming of what job they were going to have in the White House, that kind ofā
AMY GOODMAN: So he canceled the speeches in the black community.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Yeah, I left. That was it. But it got noisy, because somebody told The New York Times about it. And so, it got noisy for a day or two. But I didnāt talk to anybody about it. I talked in the book about it, decided, āHell with it. Why not tell the story?ā It was a bad move to make. But he was sure Bobby would win. He had given up sort of, I thought, too. Anyway, what a learning experience. Iām barelyāIām 31, 32, and Iāve already learned all this stuff about the world.
AMY GOODMAN: Before we go to break, talk about what you learned about Richard Nixon that you didnāt report.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Oh, god. In 1998, I used to doāgo quite often to the Nieman fellows. A former editor of mine named Bill Kovach was the chairman, the editor of it. Bill, wonderful man, very tough guy, I loved him. And he was the head of the Nieman Foundation. So, for about 10 years, I would go once a year. And off the record, I was talking. I was asked at thisāwith a bunch of these maybe 20 journalists from America and 15, 20 foreign journalistsāeven then, a considerable number of women. I was asked about stories I didnāt write.
And I said, āOh, god, I remember when I was at The New York Times, and I was pulled offāāI was hired to do Vietnam, by Abe Rosenfeld, then the editor. He knew our coverage of Vietnam sucked. Watergate happened, and I stayed away from Watergate. Woodward and Bernstein were running amok. I didnāt want anything to do with it. And at some point late in ’72, I was told I had to do Watergate. You try and change in the middle. It’s not so easy. But I got going. And I got to know the people in Watergate. And in ā74, when Nixon left, about five days afterwardsāI was well known for my Watergate coverage, too, in The New York TimesāI got a call with empirical information about Nixon had slugged his wife a couple of times when he left, and when came back to San Clemente, within a week, she was in the emergency room getting treatment.
AMY GOODMAN: He beat her. He beat Pat Nixon.
SEYMOUR HERSH: He punched her. Thatās what she said.
AMY GOODMAN: He punched her.
SEYMOUR HERSH: She came in, and I got a call. And you have understand, the first problem you have is, if I write it, I destroy a hospital, because somebody violatedāsomebody who didnāt like it, in the hospital, knew directly what happened. I mean, it was empirical informationānot charged, but empirical information. And so I justāI was telling thisāin 1998, I was telling the Nieman Foundation about it. And so, I didnāt know what to do with it.
I called Ehrlichman. Ehrlichman, John Ehrlichman, was one of the four people indicted, along with Haldeman and Mitchell and ColsonāJohn Mitchell, the attorney general. And believe it or not, when youāre covering a story like that, even though he did jail, he came out of jail, this isāI stayed in touch with these guys, because they know more thanāand I was neverāI was alwaysāif I wroteāI wrote a lot of bad stories about them. Iād always call them up the night before and say, āYouāre going to hate me again even more.ā And that alwaysāyou know, at least youāre straight about it. So thatās one thing I always did. No sandbagging. And so, we got along. And I called him. I said, āWhatās this about beating?ā He said, āOh, heās done that a couple of times.ā And he told me some times about it.
And when I told the students in ’98, I didn’t say I couldnāt write it because of theāit came from inside, I didnāt want to do that. What I said wasāI made a joke. I saidāI was totally insensitive to the notion that thatās a crime. I just wasnāt in myāI was doing foreign policy. What I said was, āWell, I figured if Nixonāif it had been one of those days and Nixon wanted to punch out Pat, he went looking for her and couldnāt find her, then bombed Cambodia instead, I got a story,ā because thereāsāI was just being a wise guy. They published it in aāI donāt know why. They published the transcript in something called the Nieman Reports.
And I wrote about it in my book, because I was obtuse to the notion that it was a crime. And so, I wrote about it because I thought, āWhat the hell? I might as wellāāyou know, this is something that was very troubling for a lot of the women. And you could almost see the #MeToo movement coming, because these women, these reporters, really were mad at me. And I didnāt get it. I mean, I did, but I didnāt. Do you know what Iām saying? And soāand itās very interesting. Itās a minor, to meāthe real problem is, I never could have written it because of how I learned what happened. And I knew more than I wrote, even more than I told. You understand.
AMY GOODMAN: You mean your source.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Iāve got aāyou know, yeah, Iāve got aā
AMY GOODMAN: Who was your source?
SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, somebody obviously who had something to do with taking care of her, letās put it, maybe. I didnāt want to say.
AMY GOODMAN: A doctor who treatedā
SEYMOUR HERSH: No, donātāyou canāt ask me that question. I have a wife thatās a doctor and a daughter thatās a doctor. And they take this ideaāpatient confidentialityāseriously, as all doctors do.
AMY GOODMAN: Weāre going to go to break, then come back to this discussion. Our guest for the hour is the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Seymour Hersh. Heās just written his memoir. Itās called Reporter. Stay with us.
AMY GOODMAN: āIāll Move On Up a Little Higherā by Mahalia Jackson, yes, a woman, remarkable artist, who Seymour Hersh knew as a child. Seymour Hersh, award-winning investigative journalist, a Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter, he has written for The New York Times, for The New Yorker. His memoir is just out. Itās called Reporter. Iām Amy Goodman, with Juan GonzĆ”lez.
JUAN GONZĆLEZ: Sy, I wanted to ask youāin your memoir, you have several chapters devoted to your period at The New York Times. And one of the most interesting to me was your account of the relationship of Henry Kissinger to key people at the Times, like Abe Rosenthal, and how he fed stories to the Times. And could you talk about that?
SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, Iām hired in ’72 by Rosenthal. And at the augustāand I always wanted to workāthe Times then wasāif you were a journalist, it’s the place to work. It still is. Itās still a great newspaper. I hate their coverage of Trump. I wish theyād get off the tweets and do the kind of stuff that theyāre doing now. That story was there two months ago. Come on. You missed it.
AMY GOODMAN: Migrants on the border.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Oh, yeah, and Yemen. Theyāre missing it. I mean, theyāre doing some stuff on it, but itās reallyāthe American role is so much deeper than they know. Anyway, keep on coming back to it.
AMY GOODMAN: Tune in to Democracy Now!
SEYMOUR HERSH: I joined the Times, and Iām justāIām just minding my business. I get a place. Iām sort of the commie reporter. I hired May 1st, and I was sent to seeālate October, I went to the North Vietnamese delegation in Paris and wrote stories. Within a week or 10 days of being on The New York Times, Iām interviewing Madame Binh, this marvelous woman that headed the National Liberation Front, who I went backāI went back to Vietnam a few years ago and had a long coffee with her, at 89, as sharp as ever. I mean, this amazing, beautiful, dark-hairedāeverywhere she went in Paris, women applauded her, a leading, just amazing woman.
Anyway, so I get back to the Washington bureau, and Iām seatedāIām just randomly given a seat next to a guy who did foreign policy. And Iām minding my business. And every day at 5:00, the secretary to the bureau chief would walk out. And the reporter was Bernie Gwertzman, who was a very competent, professional journalist. And she would sayāMax Frankel was the bureau chief.Ā She would say, āMax is done. Henryās called. And weāre coming to you now.ā And then, the next thing you know, Bernie would take notes. He would laugh and talk to Kissinger, and then he would write a story. And Iām watching it. And the story the next day would lead the paper and say, āGovernment sources said so and so.ā About the third or fourth day, I said, āThis is a pattern.ā It was a momentāthere was a moment when somebody going in diplomatic. But every day, Kissingerāsāwould come from Kissinger through the bureau chief to Bernie, who was the chief foreign correspondent, into the front page of The New York Times without a hint of who. I mean, everybody sort of knew it was Kissinger. And so, I asked him, about the third or fourth day. And heās a very straightforward guy. I said, āBernie, do you ever talk to Mel Laird?ā If you remember, I had a relationship, and I knew Mel was against some of the policies. āYou ever talk to Secretary of State Bill Rogers?ā who I didnāt know, the secretary. But Rogers was state, and Laird was secretary of defense. And he said, āOh, no.ā He said, āIf we did that, Henry wouldnāt talk to us.ā Iām justāthis is, you know, out of the old verbatim dialogue that used to be in The Village Voice, remember?
AMY GOODMAN: So, Gwertzman is getting a daily call from Henry Kissinger.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, notāit wasāthat week, it was daily.
AMY GOODMAN: A regular call.
SEYMOUR HERSH: A call when there was a crisis that involved that stuff. I mean, it was like, āWhat?ā
AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to read you a quote from the late chef and TV broadcaster Anthony Bourdain, who just took his own life. He was talking about Henry Kissinger. He wrote, in his 2001 book, A Cookās Tour, quote, āOnce youāve been to Cambodia, youāll never stop wanting to beat Henry Kissinger to death with your bare hands. You will never again be able to open a newspaper and read about that treacherous, prevaricating, murderous scumbag sitting down for a nice chat with Charlie Rose or attending some black-tie affair for a new glossy magazine without choking. Witness what Henry did in Cambodiaāthe fruits of his genius for statesmanshipāand you will never understand why heās not sitting in the dock at The Hague next to Milosevic.ā
SEYMOUR HERSH: Wow!
AMY GOODMAN: That was Anthony Bourdain, who just killed himself.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Wow! Wow! I did not know that quote. The only thing I remember is I wrote this long book about Kissinger, which we talked about at length on this show. And somebody called it an indictment or bill of attainder. And I remember, the next year, at the White House Correspondentsā Dinnerāto which no rational journalist should go to. Celebrating a president, itās not our job. Itās not our job. And by the way, my complaint with The New York Times was, we shouldnāt recognize America. Weāre not America first. Weāre a newsāan international newspaper. Why the America first focus? But thatās a more subtle issue. And everybody would want Kissinger, even the next year, at their table. What I always said about Kissinger, publicly, and again and again, is that when people have to countāthey canāt sleep and they count sheep, I think Kissinger has to count burned and maimed Cambodian and Vietnamese babies the rest of his life. But, of course, he doesnāt.
AMY GOODMAN: Because of what he was in charge of.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Because, oh, my god, not just Cambodia, in Vietnamāyou tell me where it is. I mean, come on. I mean, weāre talking aboutāweāre talking aboutāthis is, in any other society, he would be in the dock. Heād be right thereāheās absolutely rightāin The Hague with Milosevic. War crimes. These were war crimes that were going on. And the Christmas bombing, when there was a peace settlement, and Nixon wanted more, he wantedāhe was afraid. He wantedāNixon was justāhe wanted to shore up his support in Middle America, I guess they called it. So they dropāthey do a Christmas bombing, that has nothing to do with the peace process. Come on. What is that? Thatās just murder.
JUAN GONZĆLEZ: I wanted to ask you about, of course, another of your many exposĆ©s that received international attention: Abu Ghraib. Could you talk about how you got onto Abu Ghraib and the impact that that story had, not only in the United States, but across the Muslim world?
SEYMOUR HERSH: There was nothing that I wrote that wasnāt known and been reported by Human Rights Watchāa wonderful guy named John Sifton was just brilliantāAmnesty International, were writingādoing reports, talking about torture. Itās the same thing that I was reading in the ’60s about Vietnam, thatāby church groups who were writing books about it, that didn’t make the media. And they were doing torture.
And I couldnāt find aāand in the fall of 2003, in Decemberāwhat happened is, we won the war, we thought, quickly, and it turned out we didnāt win. What Don Rumsfeld, that man, called dead-endersāonce we thought the war, in two monthsāwhat he called the dead-enders turned out to be the guys readyāthe Baath Party people we thought we got rid of. And we were in a civil war, and we were being chopped to death.
In that December, I was ināI went to Damascus, and there was a two-star general. We grabbed most of the generals. Most of the generals who served in the Iraqi Army, we grabbed. We either killed them, or we turned them around and put them in the units that became killer units, or we used them for intelligence. This guy was missed. He was a linguist, a two-star. And I got him to Damascus. I think it cost 700 bucks for him to take a carāyou could do it then. It was safe. There was a period, still then. He took a car from Baghdad to Damascus. He had a daughter in med school. He had to stay there, because she didnāt know English, and she wantedāthe medical school was in Arabic, and she could do it. I donāt know what happened to him. And I spent four days with this two-star general, who was in signals intelligence and knew everything. And Iām debriefing him, writingāI donāt put anything in the computer.
And about the third or fourth day, he said, āAnd let me tell you about that prison, Abu Ghraib,ā which I had read stuff about. He said, āMy friendsā wives and daughters are writing and saying, ‘You must come and kill me, because I’ve been defiled.āā You know, in that part of the world, they deal in shame. We deal in guilt here, in this partāguilt and denial here. But they dealt in shame. And they said they had been defiled. The GIs have done things to them. Iām not sure to what extent. āAnd youāve got to come and kill me, because Iām no longer fit. I canāt be a wife, and I canātāI canāt be a wife, and I canāt be married.ā
And so, whatās going on? So I got into it. I mean, I knew then, maybe I could find a way. And then I heard about photographs. And then I heard that CBS had some photographs. There had been a report written, a secret report. And once I got thatāI got it. I got the report, written by a brilliant officer named Antonio Taguba, who was fired over it, because Rumsfeld thought Taguba had to give it to me. How dumb is that? I didnāt see him. I didnāt know him for two years. Iām his dear friend. I have lunch with him. Heās a most wonderful man. I would go in a foxhole with him. And there are these people.
AMY GOODMAN: The general.
SEYMOUR HERSH: He just wrote a two-star report, thatāhe was ready for a third. He was a Filipino. He got out of college, weighingāfive-foot-three, weighing 115 pounds. And three times he had asked the Army, as he was in a career, military career, to help pay for graduate school. And they said to him, āYou donāt even speak English well. You know, youāre just some little yellow guy.ā
AMY GOODMAN: We have a minute and a half.
SEYMOUR HERSH: So, what happened is, I got the report, and it was devastating. And it was all because he had told me how bad it was. And The New York Times published it. And CBS had the same photographs I had, and it had refused, for two or three weeks, to publish them. It was just a terrible story.
AMY GOODMAN: These are the photographs of torture of prisoners at Abu Ghraib.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Right. They had had it for two weeks.
JUAN GONZĆLEZ: And they didnāt run it.
SEYMOUR HERSH: But, you know, the people doing it, the reporters, Dan Rather and Mary Mapes, the producers, wanted to. But the suits stopped them. And so I actually worked out a deal, where they publish it, 60 Minutes on Thursday, before I did the report on Sunday.
JUAN GONZĆLEZ: The same reporters that ended up being fired, in essence, by CBS later.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Itās too bad. Itās not good to be good at your job in network television. Thatās my theory.
AMY GOODMAN: You also wrote in your book, āThere was a widespread understanding that those who died in interrogation were not to be buried, lest the bodies be disinterred later, but had to be destroyed by acid and other means.ā
SEYMOUR HERSH: Thatās what I wrote. I mean, what am I supposed to say? Yes, it was understood. This is early in the war. There wasāexcuse me. Do you think it stopped? Do you know how many warfare places weāre in right now? Seventy-six. The United States is conducting war in 76 countries now. If you donāt think assassinations are going on just as much, they are.
AMY GOODMAN: You also wrote about the use of fire ants.
SEYMOUR HERSH: I didnāt write. It was a story we didnāt publish, because it justāit was one of the fights I had with the editors. And he may have been right.
AMY GOODMAN: But the assassinations youāre talking about, in our last 15 seconds, and then weāre going to do Part 2.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, I mean, when you have the special operations forces operating all over Africa, if you think theyāre telling the truth about what happened anywhere, in Mali or else placeāit may be 70 differentāweāre all over Africa. Nobody controls what theyāre doing. Itās a big problem. And this president, of course, doesnāt know and doesnāt care, you know. But there are people there. There are people behind him who do care. But itās going to be a long process.
AMY GOODMAN: Weāre talking to Seymour Hersh, and weāre going to continue with a web exclusive at democracynow.org, the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist who has written for The New York Times, The New Yorker, exposed the My Lai massacre. His memoir is just out. Itās simply called Reporter.
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