Academic institutions are increasingly yielding to political pressures, eroding the very freedoms they claim to protect. At MIT, my attempt to teach a āSpecial Topicsā course on language, linguistics, and decolonization in Haiti and Palestine/Israel was censored and delegitimized. This personal experience reflects a broader crisis in higher education and in the nationāone where free inquiry is stifled by fear, surveillance, suspension, expulsion, firing, visa revocation, disappearance, deportation, and worse.
A case study in the erosion of academic freedom
At MIT, I have witnessed firsthand how institutional priorities shift under the weight of political pressures and personal allegiances. My proposal for a course that critically engages via language and linguistics with the realities of settler colonialism vs. decolonization was not simply met with skepticism; it was censored and actively surveilled, doxed, and it is still being delegitimized. My experience is not an isolated incident, but part of a larger, systemic issue that permeates education across the United States. It is a symptom of what I have come to understand as the āPalestine exception,ā where conversations surrounding Israel/Palestine are subjected to unique levels of scrutiny and suppression, from academic units, to studentsā newspapers and faculty newsletters, to Executive Orders and Homeland Security.
But my story is just one small window into this repression. The experiences of students at MIT further illuminate the growing authoritarianism in academia. Across campus, I have seen students rallying for justice in Palestine face relentless disciplining, brutal policing, surveillance, and, overall, an atmosphere of intimidation. This is not just a localized issue at MIT; it reflects the emergence of what some have called the āsurveillance university,ā where dissenting voices are systematically monitored and silenced. The rise of this surveillance culture is deeply intertwined with broader political and legal developments. Institutions like MIT are increasingly governed by fears of legal repercussions, such as Title VI litigation, which viciously frames criticism of Israel as a form of antisemitism. In this environment, administrators, even apparently well-meaning faculty colleagues such as those on the MIT Faculty Newsletter (FNL) editorial board and in the leadership of MITās chapter of the American Association of University Professors (AAUP@MIT), prioritize risk management over academic integrity, choosing to appease powerful political interests (citing, say, āstatements that could be perceived as libelsā or the priority of ācollective academic freedomā over āindividual academic freedomā) rather than uphold the principles of free inquiry. The result is a chilling effect on academic discourse, where controversialābut necessaryāconversations are shut down before they even begin.
The personal is political
At its core, fascism thrives on the suppression of dissent and the monopolization of knowledge production as self-serving ātruth.ā By silencing critical discussions, particularly those that challenge hegemonic narratives, institutions like MIT contribute to the erosion of democracy itself. This trend is not new, but it is accelerating. From Columbia University, Harvard, Northwestern, and beyond, we have seen how institutions deploy administrative tools to curtail academic freedom in order to please the bully in chief in the White House. The justification is often couched in the language of neutrality or safety, but the reality is far more insidious: these policies disproportionately target marginalized and racialized voices, particularly those advocating for Palestinian rights and against the ongoing genocide. The implications of these actions extend far beyond the confines of any single institution. By restricting discourse on Israel/Palestine, universities are not only failing their students and faculty but are also abandoning their commitment to intellectual rigor and social justice. In doing so, they risk becoming complicit in the very authoritarianism they purport to resist.
My personal journey at MIT has become emblematic of the institutionās troubling descent into authoritarian practices, now abetted by groups like the MIT Faculty Newsletter and the MIT chapter of the American Association of University Professorsābodies I once trusted to defend academic freedom. In November 2023, I was verbally attacked during a faculty meeting simply for expressing concern about Palestinians trapped in a Gaza hospital under Israeli bombardment. A month later, the insults escalated in my own department, MIT Linguistics & Philosophy, after I drew historical parallels between Nazi rhetoric justifying the Holocaust and Zionist language rationalizing the genocide of Palestiniansāan academically grounded comparison. My reference to āJewish donorsā in a letter to former UPenn President Liz Magill was also twisted to accuse me of antisemitism. The repression peaked in Spring 2024 when MIT Linguistics rejected my proposed course on language and decolonization in Haiti, Palestine, and Israel. Citing vague concerns about āfit,ā āexpertise,ā and āoutsourcing,ā the decision was a thinly veiled attempt to suppress scholarship critical of Israel. Particularly disturbing was the role of the section head who had previously called me āout of your fucking mindā and accused me of antisemitism in response to my political stances on Palestine. He participated in the unprecedented ad hoc committee that blocked the course. A subsequent āindependent reviewā initiated by MITās Vice-Provost for Faculty offered no transparency: I was neither interviewed nor told who was reviewing the caseāprocedures that seem to me more fitting of a kangaroo court than a university.
This lack of transparency and due process exemplifies the institutional mechanisms used to silence dissenting voices at MIT. Despite these obstacles, I managed to transform the proposed course into a Peopleās Seminar / Speaker series in Fall 2024, supported by MITās #MindHandHeart office, Womenās & Gender Studies and an anonymous donor.
In September 2024, in a clear act of retaliation, the SHASS Dean withheld my annual raise, citing āmisconductā after I spoke out against the censorship of my course. Then in November, I was abruptly removed without due process from my department of over 28 years and reassigned to a nebulous āFaculty-at-Largeā role, then even my access to the MIT Linguistics Facebook page was blockedārevealing how hollow MITās supposed commitment to academic freedom and free speech has become.
In November 2024, the Peopleās Seminar became the target of coordinated online attacks led by a self-identified Zionist former MIT studentā with previous appearances in Congress and now affiliated with the Manhattan Instituteāwho smeared both me and the seminar on X/Twitter. After I corrected his false claims, he escalated by sending me a āCease and desistā letter, copying MIT administrators. Rather than defending academic freedom, the Dean of MITās School of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences (SHASS) asked me not to identify the student in class, which I agreed to. Yet soon after, the situation intensified: an undercover journalist from the Daily Wire infiltrated the seminar and published a fake-news article amplified by the same studentāwhose anonymity I had protected. Their online campaign triggered such severe threats that MIT Police requested extra patrols around my home by Cambridge Police.
The rejection of my Fall 2024 course on āLanguage and Linguistics for Decolonization and Liberation in Haiti, Palestine and Israelā stands in stark contrast to my prior teaching experiences at MIT. The 2021 seminar āLinguistics and Social Justiceā was approved with minimal scrutiny, as a āSpecial Seminarā course to ācover topics not offered in the regular curriculum.ā Recurring courses like āCreole languages & Caribbean identitiesā and āBlack Matters: Introduction to Black Studiesā have been recognized as legitimate linguistics offerings. In 2021, a one-sentence description for the Special Topics seminar was approved the same day it was submitted, and guest lectures for that seminar were advertised in the MIT Linguistics newsletter without issueā18 guest speakers exploring the use of language, linguistics and education for decolonization and liberation in 13 communities, from the Caribbean to New Zealand. Yet in 2024, when the proposed āSpecial Topicsā included Palestine and Israel, the process was abruptly politicized: my proposal was subjected to unprecedented review, denied legitimacy as a linguistics course, and even excluded from departmental announcements. At the time of this writing, in April 2025, my MIT Linguistics colleagues are still rejecting āLanguage and linguistics for decolonization and liberation in Haiti, Palestine and Israelā as a linguistics course. The only clear difference is the inclusion of Palestine/Israelārevealing a troubling āPalestine Exceptionā to MITās standards for academic freedom.
Meanwhile, pro-Palestine student activists at MIT have faced doxing, surveillance, and institutional punishmentāpart of a broader nationwide crackdown. Across the U.S., students, staff and faculty who speak out for Palestine are being targeted and turned over, often with the complicity of Zionist students, parents, administrators and U.S.-backed doxing platforms aligned with Israeli interests. This wave of repression, including masked agents arresting dissenting scholars, is disturbingly reminiscent of the Duvalier dictatorship in my native Haitiāthough uniquely shaped by the U.S.āIsrael alliance.
The political is personal
The AAUP and its chapters, alongside faculty newsletters, are meant to be bulwarks of academic freedom. Yet both the MIT Chapter of the AAUP (AAUP@MIT) and the MIT Faculty Newsletter (FNL) seem to have abandoned these principles when it comes to Palestine. This āPalestine Exceptionā has allowed the suppression of pro-Palestinian speech to flourish even within institutions explicitly charged with protecting open inquiry.
This betrayal became personal when I submitted an earlier version of this essay to the FNL. The piece linked rising fascism to anti-Palestinian racism and to the weaponization of antisemitism accusations, as in the saga of the rejection of my course proposal. Though I complied with requests to remove allegedly libelous content, publication was indefinitely stalled under vague concerns about unidentified āstatements that could be perceived as libelsā and the formation of a āsubcommitteeā for āexploring a pathway for possible publication of an edited version of the piece in a future issue.ā The president of AAUP@MIT, as FNL co-chair (!), participated in the review process, despite a clear conflict of interest given my critique of AAUP@MITās silence in the face of attacks on my academic freedom.
One of AAUP@MITās rationalizationsāthat MIT Linguisticsā ācollective academic freedomā trumps my āindividual academic freedomā āechoes dangerous precedents, from the McCarthy era to today. This logic was used to justify the suppression of my elective course, even as I was denied the opportunity to teach in the very area for which the MIT Linguistics head had congratulated me in 2022 when I was awarded āthe highest honor in the field of linguistics.ā
That two supposedly independent forumsāAAUP@MIT and FNLāenabled such suppression speaks volumes about how deeply the āPalestine Exceptionā has taken root. In a recent FNL article, āEyes on the Price,ā defending democracy and academic freedom, the editors rightly wrote: āSilence is not neutrality; it is complicity.ā Yet they remain silent about the most chilling threat to academic freedom today: the weaponization of antisemitism accusations to erase the words āPalestineā and āGenocideā from campus discourse. This silence contradicts the AAUP National Organizationās warning against the control of āwhat is thought, said, taught, and researchedā in ways that are āantithetical to the educational mission of a university and the democratic values upon which it rests.ā The silence AAUP@MIT and FNL is not just hypocrisyāit is complicity in a broader erosion of academic freedom across American higher education.
Resisting the rise of fascism in academia
In July 2024, MIT alumnus Netanyahu called anti-genocide students āIranās useful idiotsā before a cheering Congress. Meanwhile, groups like Hillel International praised MIT at the Knesset as a model of its on-campus lobby for shaping U.S. discourse on Gaza. My experience, like that of students at MIT, is not an anomaly but part of a wider crisis: U.S. universities are compromising their core mission by surrendering to political pressure and legal threats. This is not just a lapse in leadershipāit is active complicity in rising authoritarianism, as dissent is punished and power consolidated.
We must reject the Anti-Defamation Leagueās misuse of statistics to label Israelās critics as antisemites. We must join Fairness in Accuracy & Reporting (FAIR) in denouncing both antisemitism and its cynical weaponization, which erases Islamophobia and anti-Palestinian racism.
As Iāve argued elsewhere, Orwellian linguistic trumperies now conflate legitimate criticism of Israel with hate speech, shielding genocide from scrutiny. When Israeli leaders claim that āonly the horses are uninvolvedā and describe all Gazansāeven children who allegedly ābrought it upon themselvesāāas legitimate targets, and U.S. politicians repeat these talking points, we must ask: who really benefits from the suppression of speech on Palestine?
At MIT, the deliberate erasure of Islamophobia and anti-Palestinian racism for increasing membership in AAUP@MIT and MITACF is a sad reminder of MIT President Sally Kornbluthās selective denouncement of hate. These erasures echo a broader pattern in which āneutralityā is weaponized to protect the powerful and punish the vulnerable. This silence emboldens the very forces that have made it unsafe to teach, speak, or organize around Palestine
As historian Ilan PappĆ© reminded us at MIT: āAcademic courage should not be an oxymoron.ā We must defend the principles that define the academyāacademic freedom and freedom of expression, intellectual honesty, social justice, etc. The future of higher education and of democracy itself, depends on our refusal to be silenced.
The stakes are high as Columbia and Harvard have already succumbed to Trumpās bulldozing free speech, academic freedom, diversity, equity, inclusion and moreāand the target list keeps increasing. Project 2025 epitomizes rising authoritarianism and endangers marginalized communities and higher education. As Amir Goldberg and Barbara Risman remind us, āTrump does not give a damn about Jews: Campus antisemitism is real, but the presidentās vandalistic attack isnāt about justice or discrimination.ā We must resist these attacks with courage. Now is not the time for silence.
Yes, resistance is possible. As we confront this rising tide of fascism, let us remember that our greatest weapon is, not silence or keeping our heads down as we thread the needle, but the collective power of our voicesāwithout any fear of being accused of ālibels,ā āantisemitismā and other false accusations. By documenting our personal experiences facing fascism and by analyzing the historical underpinnings of said fascism, we can begin to challenge the structures that enable this suppression. And we must address the larger forces that threaten, not only Jews and Palestinians, but all disenfranchised groups. We must stand in solidarity with those whom Frantz Fanon called āThe Wretched of the Earth.ā
And we must hold ourselves and our institutions accountable for the roles we play in perpetuating injustice. As we think of MITās mottos, letās commit ourselves, indeed, to advancing knowledge in #MITMindHandHeart mode toward a #BetterWorldāfor real.
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