After World War II, the slogan “Never again fascism, never again war!” was part of the general political consensus in Europe and was also considered good form in conservative circles. Today, however, there are only a few parties in the democratic political landscape that profess anti-fascism. On the contrary, left-wing forces are increasingly coming under general suspicion, while at the same time fascist views are being legitimized in the mainstream as “far-right” political stances. The prejudgment of anti-fascists as criminals is worrying and wrong. I therefore say clearly: anti-fascism remains necessary, especially now.

In the US, Donald Trump has famously declared Antifa a domestic terrorist organization and an enemy of the state. The ban serves to politically persecute those who stand up for democracy and oppose massive social injustice and oligarchy. Trump’s centralization of power, influence over the judiciary, and intimidation of the media are leading to an erosion of democracy and the rule of law. A misanthropic, fascist ideology is being pursued, and not only in the US. The far-right network is internationally prominent and politically capable of action. The autocrat Viktor Orbán has already followed Trump’s example, and calls for a “ban on Antifa” are growing louder in other EU countries, including Germany and the Netherlands. In European parliaments, some conservative majorities no longer shy away from making common cause with the right wing. A blanket condemnation of all those who oppose this is convenient for the extreme right and is proving effective. From the perspective of the democratic center, distancing oneself from anti-fascism has become necessary in order to avoid collaborating with Antifa. Yet all democrats are opposed to the dismantling of democracy and are therefore, by definition, also anti-fascists. All democratic forces should take a clear stand against those who incite hatred against human rights and democracy—not persecute those who resist.

The increasing criminalization of anti-fascists is clearly evident in the way the justice system treats activists. Maja T., an anti-fascist who was illegally extradited from Germany to Hungary, has now been held in solitary confinement under the most adverse conditions for over a year. I was able to see for myself several times at the scene of the show trial, where Maja was brought before the judge in handcuffs and shackles. Even during the rare Skype calls with her family and during yard time, Maja is handcuffed, as if she were always a danger. The threat of up to 24 years in prison is completely disproportionate to the alleged offense of bodily harm. The Hungarian judiciary’s actions go beyond prejudgment; the aim is to make an example of Maja T. and deter people from engaging in anti-fascist activism. The verdict in the trial against Maja T. is expected on January 22, 2026. I will be there again with other supporters to show solidarity with Maja and all anti-fascists who have been unjustly imprisoned.

At this point, it is important to me that we on the left are not opposed to the prosecution of alleged crimes. We criticize the fact that criminal proceedings are used as an opportunity to persecute the opposition politically and that proceedings are conducted in which exaggerated, politically charged allegations are heard. This is not only the case in Hungary. In Germany, anti-fascist activist Hanna S. was recently convicted in a trial before the Senate for Terrorism and State Security on charges including membership in a criminal organization. The decision to conduct the proceedings before a court that is responsible for terrorism cases involving a particularly high level of danger has given the impression of a prejudgment from the outset. In addition, it must be critically questioned whether the assumption of a criminal organization is tenable. This criminal offense has already been applied in Germany in the past in the context of left-wing protest movements, leading to blanket convictions of activists and harsher penalties. Among others, this has affected supporters of the Kurdish freedom movement. Since the PKK was classified as a criminal organization in the early 1990s, the Kurdish freedom movement has been increasingly affected by criminalization. Kurds were often suspected of belonging to the PKK simply because of their origin, and even today, after its dissolution, Kurds continue to be imprisoned in German prisons for alleged membership in a criminal organization.

In light of current developments, I think it is important to remember that anti-fascist resistance is effective. Last spring, a court in Paris approved the request for house arrest submitted by Gino, a co-defendant in the Budapest complex. My colleague and comrade Ilaria Salis was elected to the European Parliament while in pre-trial detention in Hungary and recently defended her immunity in a vote in Parliament requested by Victor Orbán. This would not have been possible without the commitment and indispensable solidarity of many people. In the US, too, we see that despite the growing threat, people continue to take to the streets to defend democracy, as demonstrated by the protests against ICE in Chicago and the No King protests across the country. In the EU Parliament, I am committed to a strong left wing that builds bridges between anti-fascist struggles on the streets and parliamentary politics. The attempt to simply avoid the right wing in Parliament was doomed to failure from the outset. We need to take an offensive approach to fascism. We need anti-fascism. Left-wing resistance cannot be broken. Siamo Tutti Antifascisti!

The text was written exclusively for the newspaper Yeni Özgür Politika. A Turkish translation can be found on the website https://www.ozgurpolitika.com/haberi-antifasizme-ihtiyacimiz-var-206408.

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