The work of political struggle goes on constantly, forever and ever, without end. True moments of opportunity, though, come about rarely and without warning. They cannot be manufactured; they can only be taken advantage of. The lulls between themāāālike right nowāāāare the time to remember the lesson that we always seem to forget when things get interesting: Forget public opinion. Public opinion is a trap. Capture the structures when you have the chance.
In my adult lifetime there have been two great moments of opportunity for the Left. One was after theĀ 2008Ā financial crisis, aĀ period that you can generously construe as lasting several years, through the heyday of the Occupy movement. The other was inĀ 2020, during the enormous national Black Lives Matter protests that broke out after the police murder of George Floyd. These events each had different causes and characteristics, but they had two key things in common. One, they were both moments in which public rage about injustice grew so intense that the institutions actually responsible for the injustices got scared and vulnerable. And two, that moment of vulnerability passed, and the intensity of rage ebbed, and before you knew it, the institutions of power had settled back into the status quo after offering mostly cosmetic changes. The windows of opportunity closed before we got around to throwing any grenades throughĀ them.Ā
If you were alive and in the workforce inĀ 2008, you will remember theĀ fear.Ā Regular people had fear of losing their jobs and their livelihoods as aĀ result of Wall Street machinations that were barely understood, and Wall Street had fear of being tarred and feathered by mobs of angry peasants. The fears of the regular people turned out to be well founded. The fears of the financiers did not, although they were, for at least several months, so real that the practice of conspicuous consumption ground to aĀ halt in Manhattan. People whose entire lives were dedicated to being seen as rich and powerful suddenly did not want to be recognized in public as being rich and powerful. Never before or since have IĀ seen Americaās anti-establishment rage get so palpable that it forced socialites to carry their luxury purchases in plain paperĀ bags.Ā
InĀ 2020, Americaās rage was directed at racism, and at the police. And the police were scared. In Minneapolis, the protesters burned down aĀ police station, and the cops ran away. That moment was, for the people with guns, the same thing thatĀ 2008Ā was for the people with money: aĀ strange, newĀ āāwhoa nowā experience that made them realize that the power arrangement they had always taken for granted was by no means guaranteed. That aĀ backlash could be strong enough to knock themĀ down.Ā
And then? In each case, the snap back towards normalcy was fast enough to break necks. The federal governmentās response to theĀ 2008Ā financial crisis mostly focused on propping up the existing structure of Wall Street, rather than changing it. InĀ 2020, it only took aĀ few short months after theĀ largestĀ protest wave in American history for the Democrats to ostentatiously campaignĀ againstĀ defunding theĀ police.Ā
The establishment knows what to do in these rare moments of peril: Say the right words, but leave the underlying structures alone. The official response whenever revolution looks somewhat likelier than usual is to soothe and sympathize and assureāāāto turn the temperature down, without letting anything catch on fire. Rather than tearing down the house, the powerful people just stuck their heads out the window and told the angry crowds that they were on their side. Barack Obama gave populist-sounding speeches about inequality, and Mitt Romney walked in the Black Lives Matter march, and then they went back and ensured that any changes more substantive than that did notĀ happen.
The tragedy is not just that the voices of justified rage didnāt win. (That, after all, is something the Left is used to.) It is that these moments when the powerful actual feel the foundations of their power slipping beneath their feet representĀ leverage, and that leverage was squandered. Only rarely is the power structure scared enough to bargain away meaningful things. Wall Street banks would have acquiesced to real regulations if they had been pressed hard inĀ 2008, because they werenāt in any position to refuse, and also they didnāt want to be pelted with bottles whenever they appeared in public. Police departments inĀ 2020Ā couldĀ have been shrunk, and had their grotesque budgets reallocated, and been subjected to civilian oversight. Politicians in major cities could have done that, had they had the courage, and they would have had the support of all the people in the streets. The reason that neither of these things happened is that the anger of the public fell prey to the paralyzing sludge of bureaucratic inertia, like aĀ runaway truck coasting to aĀ stop in aĀ long, muddyĀ pit.
In very special times, radicals will have public opinion on their side. These times will not last. Focused and useful public outrage will inevitably dissipate, faster than we think. As soon as these very special times begin, we need to go directly for the structural change first. Before the press conferences and the DEI consultants and the panel discussions and the Big Mural of Social Justice Heroes sponsored by JPMorganChase, we need the substance.Ā āāBreak up the banksā andĀ āādefund the policeā are, contrary to conventional political wisdom, excellent goals, because both of them aim at dismantling the underlying structures that enabled things to get so out of hand in the first place. That is exactly why they are so ridiculed by those who might be charged with doing them. They donāt want to do that. Politicians want to pose on one knee while wearing kente cloths and paintĀ āāBLACK LIVES MATTERā in big letters down the middle of aĀ street. That is easy. TheyĀ donāt want toĀ defund the police. That would be hard. After all of the marches and corporate symbolism and theĀ āāEND RACISMā stickers affixed to NFL helmets, the Democratic Party isĀ now poisedĀ to brand itself inĀ 2024Ā asĀ āātough on crime,ā the very attitude that brought on overpolicing and mass incarceration in the first place. That the system will try to perpetuate itself is not aĀ surprise. The question worth mulling over is,Ā āāWhy do they get away withĀ it?ā
They get away with it because stalling, distraction and performative sympathy are tactics that work. We think to ourselves,Ā āāAt last, public opinion on inequality is turning. At last, public opinion on police violence is turning. Soon it will turn definitively in our favor.ā We mistake the pendulum of mainstream sentiment for aĀ one-way road. But there is aĀ simple heuristic that everyone on the Left can use to minimize the chances of falling into this trap in theĀ future.Ā
Instead of thinking of our goal as shaping public opinion, think of public opinion as something more like the weatherāāāan outside force that we donāt control. Usually, the weather is bad. We spend that time inside, getting ready. And on the rare day when the weather is perfectāāāwhen, thanks to some unpredictable crisis, public opinion aligns with our goalsāāāwe run outside, plan in hand, and get everything we can get. Knowing that the nice weather wonāt last, we go directly to the fundamental structures that need to be broken down and rebuilt. We focus on those things. We do not, under any circumstances, focus on public opinion itself. We do not spend these precious moments trying to magically extend the window of nice weather. We just do the work while the sun isĀ out.
You donāt change the world by first convincing everyone youāre right. You seize the structures that produce the world, change the material reality and watch public opinion follow in the wake of the new world youāve made. Temporary gains are for suckers. The next time the stalwarts of the system get scared, demand permanent changes immediately. Donāt settle for less. History tells us that their fear will always ebb. The only question is whether you knocked down their fortress in theĀ meantime.
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