Source: The Analysis
In a recent piece in The Guardian, Thomas Frank writes:
āIn liberal circles these days there is a palpable horror of the uncurated world, of thought spaces flourishing outside the consensus, of unauthorized voices blabbing freely in some arena where there is no moderator to whom someone might be turned in. The remedy for bad speech, we now believe, is not more speech, as per Justice Brandeisās famous formula, but an āextremism expertā shushing the world.
What an enormous task that shushing will be! American political culture is and always has been a matter of myth and idealism and selective memory. Selling, not studying, is our peculiar national talent. Hollywood, not historians, is who writes our sacred national epics. There were liars-for-hire in this country long beforeĀ Roger StoneĀ came along. Our politics has been a bath in bullshit since forever. People pitching the dumbest of ideas prosper fantastically in this country if their ideas happen to be what the ruling class would prefer to believe.ā
Thatās Thomas laughing at his own lines (in the background).
Thomas Frank
I havenāt thought about it for a long time.
Paul Jay
I love when Iām interviewing someone who can really write and all I have to do is read their piece as an introduction. It makes my life so much easier. Anyway, here we go.
āDebunkingā was how the literary left used to respond to Americaās Niagara of nonsense. Criticism, analysis, mockery, and protest: these were our weapons. We were rational-minded skeptics, and we had a grand old time deflating creationists, faith healers, puffed-up militarists, and corporate liars of every description. CensorshipĀ and blacklisting were, withĀ important exceptions, the weapons ofĀ the puritanical right: those were their means of lashing out against rap music or suggestive plays or left-wingers who were gainfully employed. Or these days, left-wingers like us who arenāt so gainfully employed.ā
Now joining us to discuss the liberal demand for more censorship is Thomas Frank. He is a political analyst, historian and journalist. He co-founded and edited The Baffler magazine. Heās written several books, including Whatās the Matter with Kansas? Listen, Liberal and his most recent is The People, No: A Brief History of Anti Populism. Thanks for joining me, Thomas.
Thomas Fran
Paul Jay. It is great to be here. Here among the canceled.
Paul Jay
So, you accuse this demand for, particularly the big social media companies, the demand thatās come from corporate Democrats and from a lot of the newspapers and much of the liberal political elite to essentially censor Trumpās stuff on the social media?
Thomas Frank
Yeah.
Paul Jay
And youāre saying this is essentially a betrayal of the liberal ideals liberals claim to stand for. So why is this a betrayal?
Thomas Frank
Well, because weāre supposed to be about complete freedom of speech. Thatās not just the law in this country. Itās an achievement of the left. This is something that we fought for centuries and now we have it and to give it up just because we suddenly think we can coerce Mark Zuckerberg into shutting down the other side is is insane.
Itās a betrayal, and itās also a tactical blunder of the first order. Itās not only philosophically wrong, itās tactically wrong, as a strategic move, itās idiotic.
Paul Jay
Well, letās parse the different kind of stuff. Thereās Trumpist stuff about the elections.
Thomas Frank
Yeah, itās nonsense. Trump is an incredible liar.
Paul Jay
But thereās also the stuff, which is completely false, information about vaccination.
Thomas Frank
Yeah, thereās a lot of that out there.
Paul Jay
Is there anything that you think should be closed down? But then, of course, it raises the issue. Yeah. Closed down by who?
Thomas Frank
Exactly, basically in this country political speech is supposed to be the most protected form of speech. This is a place where you have complete freedom to say whatever you want, political speech, and to start saying that no political speech is an area where we need, itās like obscenity was thirty or forty years ago, right. There are all of these rules about what you could say on the air and there still are about, obscenity.
Well, to start saying that we now have to have rules like that about about political speech is deeply troubling, contrary to the American tradition, and Iām here to tell you, is going to backfire against the left.
Pal, you and I have been in this game for a long time, but maybe not long enough to remember that the left is traditionally whenever there is an urge to censor, whenever this gets going, who feels the brunt of it?
Well, itās people like you and me. It always is. I mean, you look back at World War I in America anyway, I donāt know what it was like in Canada, but in America, this is this is a very dark period for freedom of speech. Wars always are because the Constitution is effectively suspended, and during World War One, they passed a sedition law which made criticizing the war illegal. Now they go after a lot of ethnic Germans who were saying, you know a lot of people thought World War One was a bad idea. I donāt know about in Canada, but here in America, a lot of people thought World War I.
Paul Jay
Same thing here. In fact, in Quebec, there was practically an uprising against the draft.
Thomas Frank
Yeah, can I just say World War One was a really bad idea? Thatās just my own personal opinion.
Anyhow, a lot of the opponents of World War One were trade unionists at the IWW, Eugene Debs, people like this. And so who do they wind up enforcing the law against?
Itās all of these radicals on the left and they just throw these people into prison willy nilly. They just start persecuting them. Itās the most incredible thing, and then, of course, it happens again during the Red Scare in the 1950s and up into the 1960s. This is the last sort of great period of censorship and blacklisting of cancel culture, if you will. And whoās the target of it? Itās basically anybody with unorthodox views gets called a communist.
And youāve got to remember, Paul, there are a lot of liberals, well-meaning liberals, by the way, who played into that in the early days. Theyāre like, yeah communism is a really bad idea. A lot of, again, a lot of union leaders and stuff like that.
Paul Jay
Well McCarthy takes place under a Democratic Party president.
Thomas Frank
Well, also Eisenhower, there was Truman. It was a transitional period.
Started with Truman.
Truman didnāt like it, but Truman was afraid of him, and so Truman was playing along with it. Truman was an anti-communist, that didnāt help him, and then by the end of these people have gone completely berserk and theyāre calling Eisenhower a communist. Iām talking about the John Birch Society here. Whenever you unleash a censorship regime, which is what is happening now, itās always going to be people on the left who who get it, who get punished.
You think youāre going to be able to shut down the right, and by the way, we shouldnāt even want to do that. Itās a terrible idea to think that we have the right answer to everything, and we can institute some sort of regime where we can, for example, this idea that some forms of error are misinformation, and we should crackdown on misinformation. The very people who say this all the time, and this is one of the weird things about this, Paul Jay, is that it tends to be the news media that says this.
Well, the news media gets things wrong all the time. I donāt know if youāve ever read The New York Times, these people. Have you ever let me ask you this? Have you ever read a news story written about a subject that you personally knew a lot about? Of course, you have and did they get everything right? Of course, they didnāt.
Paul Jay
I mean I know a few examples where they actually got deliberately the opposite.
Thomas Frank
But is that misinformation, I mean, where do we go to get that corrected?
I donāt think any Trumpist misinformation had as negative consequences as Judith Miller promoting the Iraq war.
Bingo. There you go. Or you think of the whole Vietnam War was done on a made-up thing, the Gulf of Tonkin incident. Not made up, but we still to this day donāt really know what happened, but it was wildly exaggerated.
Thereās hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of examples of this, where the government is able to play the media to get them to repeat whatever official canard they want. Well, thatās misinformation, too. I mean, thatās like, as you just said, much more consequential misinformation. If weāre going to set up a regime where weāre going to crack down on some right-wing jerk peddling a conspiracy theory, OK, are we also going to crack down in The New York Times for getting us into the Iraq war?
It is basically endless once you start saying that declaring war on falsehood. Look, conspiracy theories annoy me, too, but so do Hollywood movies. Theyāre full of shit. They deceive people left and right. So does advertising. This is a culture that runs on fantasy, and to say that weāre going to crack down on the genre known as fiction.
Do you see where this is going, Paul? Itās not only impossible, itās a terrible thing to want to do. I canāt see how it can be done in a way that doesnāt accomplish what youāre saying really violate democratic rights to speak?
Paul Jay
Yeah, I get the urge people have that when thereās really deliberate falsehoods that spread widely on social media.
Thomas Frank
Thereās a whole industry in Washington, D.C. Thereās a whole industry that does this.
Paul Jay
Yeah, but the thing is, number one, the crowd that this is speaking to that are persuaded by whether itās QAnon or something else. They will find another way to get it. So, like in practical terms, itās actually not going to be that effective. But the bigger question and I think the more profound question which gets back to a lot of stuff youāve been writing about over the last years, is why the hell do so many people believe this nonsense? Thatās the more important question.
Thomas Frank
Thatās fascinating, and it is true that social media has made it possible for these things to go. The cycles have accelerated. Conspiracy theories come and go much more rapidly than they did in the past. That is that is all very true. Iām the last guy to deny it. Just between you and me, I hate and despise social media. I just canāt stand it. In fact, opening paragraph of the essay that I wrote for The Guardian is about me at a Clinton Foundation event in 2015, not that long ago.
Hillary Clinton was getting ready to run for president. She hadnāt declared yet, but it was early in 2015 and she was there. She talked a lot, and all these other people came up on the stage and again, gave different presentations, and one of the points that they emphasized the most was this kind of cyber utopianism. This idea that social media had given a voice to the powerless and social media was overthrowing dictatorial regimes all over the world and all of this kind of bullshit. Iāve always hated that stuff that nonsense, rose colored glasses about what Silicon Valley is doing.
But itās fascinating to me that these people have now swung to entirely the opposite point of view. And theyāre pressuring social media to crack down on their opponents. And by the way, theyāre really doing this. The Democrats in Congress do this all the time. They just did it again the other day. They have these hearings where they basically threaten the Silicon Valley CEOs with various forms of regulation unless they find a way to crack down on whatever form of speech they want.
Whatās interesting is they should be cracking down on Silicon Valley. These are monopolies. These are really harmful companies with these algorithms that are terrible. Theyāve deliberately designed it to make you unhappy, to feed your paranoia, or your mental disease or whatever it is.
These are really, really, really bad companies, and they do deserve to be regulated and they do deserve to be cracked up, broken up.
But what the Democrats are saying is not that. Theyāre saying, no, we want you to go after Republicans.
Paul Jay
Theyāre empowering them. Theyāre giving them the right to decide as private companies that cannot be really touched by. On theAnalysis, they took down one of our videos, and I found out something interesting from a viewer. I think it sounds legitimate. I canāt verify it, but our clip when we told the story of January six, I had a little clip of Trump calling the elections a fraud. Yeah.
Thomas Frank
Did you and I talk about this?
Paul Jay
Yeah, we talked about it. The YouTube algorithm, takes that story down because Trump is saying itās a fraud without any context, because I know our video was condemning it, but listen to this, apparently, if youāre a mainstream broadcaster and in other words, if you get more than so many million views a month than you were allowed to run the exact same clip that I could. So, theyāre deciding whoās a news organization and who isnāt based on an algorithm. So, they get to decide the funnel of information.
Thomas Frank
And they took you down. They shut you up. You got shushed. The extremism experts went to town on Paul Jay. Sorry.
Paul Jay
Well, it was sort of funny. I want to go back to this question. These people calling for censorship instead of facing up to why so many millions of people believe this stuff, which has to do with the deterioration of the public education system, especially in rural America, but not only, the complete lack of understanding of history among so much of the population and the economic deprivation of rural America that have made people desperate.
Thomas Frank
Well, also letās throw out there the complete destruction of the newspaper industry. So, you go to any of these small towns and they donāt have a paper anymore. I mean, even big cities like Iām from Kansas City, the population is two million people. The Kansas City Star, which was once one of the great newspapers of America, now only comes out six days a week. Itās printed in Iowa. I think their staff is like 12 people.
The actual reporters for the paper. Itās really, really, really sad and if you go to a smaller city, you just donāt have anything. Theyāve got nothing. There is no authoritative source of news, and of course, conspiracy theory runs rampant.
Thereās also this sense in which the expert class, and I use that term all the time, that sort of professional managerial elite have really failed middle America have really failed this country, and instead of saying looking in the mirror and saying, damn, what have we done wrong?
Why are people turning to these crazy theories? Theyāre like, no, letās just shut them up. Letās just make those people shut up. Letās make them shut up and listen to us. The experts. There is this idolatry of the expert among Democrats that I find really disturbing. That if only we can shore up the social position of the credentialed expert. Of credentialed expertise, if only we can buttress that and force everybody else to shut their goddamn mouths. Then we can solve all our problems.
Thatās not only censorship, itās deeply anti-democratic, and also, itās not going to solve the problem. Youāre never going to solve the problem unless you take away the vote. Unless you take away democracy itself, youāre never going to. This is a problem that is impossible to solve, and hereās whatās the worst thing about it Paul Jay.
Itās this complete misunderstanding of the right, the right-wing grievance complex. You remember I wrote a book called Whatās the Matter with Kansas? And this was my great sort of enlightenment when I was writing that book is that these people who are voting for a party that serves the powerful and makes the powerful more powerful makes the rich richer. Thatās what the Republicans were back then, right?
The people who are their rank and file. These working-class, these sort of salt of the earth people in Kansas, they do this because they themselves feel aggrieved, not because they feel powerful, not because they identify with the rich, because they hate the rich, because they hate, their lives and they hate being bossed around.
And thereās this weird way in which the Republicans take these legitimate class-based grievances and turn them against these peopleās interests. This is what they do. Theyāve been doing this for a long time. Theyāre very good at it, but you go in there and start censoring people and say youāre going to censor people and do it right out in the open. Oh, my God, we are playing right into their hands. This is the biggest political blunder I have ever seen.
And weāre going to pay for it. And the history books 50 years from now are going to talk about the stupidity of this. Itās a McCarthyism of the left. This is so dumb. I mean, if it goes any further and I think it will go further, I think itāll go quite a bit further or maybe it wonāt. Maybe Joe Bidenās going to fix everything, and everything is going to go back to normal when Covid is done. Thatās what Iām hoping it is.
Paul Jay
Well, you can hope but I donāt think so. Thereās an interesting phrase that that was used. I think her name is Karen Armstrong. Sheās the nun that writes about Buddha and Jesus and other people, but she has a great phrase in one of her books. She says, āDuring the time of the decline of empire, people lose their ideological mooringsā. And I think thatās whatās, first of all, itās happened generally across the country, but itās really happened in rural America.
And so, either you cling to a sort of real fundamentalist religious conception, which at least gives you something to hold on to, or you go into crazy conspiracy theories, and I agree with you, the censorship from social media that the Democrats are asking for just reinforces the idea of this great conspiracy against the American people to hide the truth, and that the truth is whatever the latest conspiracy is.
Thomas Frank
Thereās also a kind of a dereliction of duty, if you want, by the Democrats here. I mean, people like me have been making him and pointing out whatās wrong with the Democratic Party for a long time. Paul, Iām not the first one to do this stuff.
Thereās other people have been saying the same thing for a long time. Itās easy to confirm for yourself go out and do the research and you can see how America is falling apart and how the Democrats and liberal elite generally have failed to do anything about it.
And instead of doing, obviously the right thing, which is rule on behalf of ordinary Americans, make their lives better, donāt let de-industrialization go any further, donāt wreck peopleās lives anymore, donāt ruin the economy, donāt let monopolies destroy everyoneās livelihood. You can go right down the list. Instead of doing that they come up with these excuses.
The most obvious one is after the 2016 election, when Hillary loses to this incredible bastard, this incredible bigot asshole, Donald Trump, and instead of saying, what the hell did we do wrong? Like, aha, itās the Russians, itās a conspiracy theory of their own, right, but whatās interesting about it is the way that they tactically retreat in such a way that they never have to question their own priors, they never have to question their own beliefs.
They never have to call out anything that they themselves have done. They never have to ask any questions. They never have to look in the mirror basically. And this just extends it. If you just reached out to those people.
Maybe they wouldnāt be voting for this asshole, maybe you wouldnāt be losing these elections, maybe they wouldnāt be believing these conspiracy theories instead of whatās actually.
Paul Jay
There is there is an organization I was just doing some reading about it today. I knew of it before. I think itās called Peopleās Action, and they are doing what youāre saying. Before Covid, they were going door to door in rural America and talking to people. I should say, listen, they emphasize this. They start with listening to people who were especially focused on people that voted for Obama and then voted for Trump.
Thomas Frank
Yeah, I know guys like that. There are members of my family that did that.
Paul Jay
And theyāre complaining as much as you are about how little traction what theyāre doing is getting from the leadership of the Democratic Party, but let me add a big but here.
I think the corporate leadership, the main leadership of the Democratic Party, is doing exactly what they should be doing in their own interests because they are an extension of Wall Street.
Thomas Frank
They are now.
Paul Jay
Well, when werenāt they?
Thomas Frank
Well, that trend, you go back to the Reagan era. I mean, Reagan was the overwhelming favorite of Wall Street and so was George W. Bush but with Obama, if you look at the fundraising totals, I mean, there were always Democrats who were Wall Street Democrats always, and thereās also big oil democrats.
Paul Jay
Where I was headed with this, is that to think that these corporate Democrats, except in weird circumstances and I think weāre kind of in one now because of the pandemic, Wall Street actually wants a big infrastructure project and wants a big infusion of cash and wants direct payments to people. So, thereās a very weird moment in history.
Thomas Frank
Yeah, theyāre in a crazy bull market right now, but that doesnāt make any sense.
Paul Jay
But to me the bigger question is what the real progressives, the real left in the United States, and I have to say, itās not just the United States, itās Canada. And frankly, most other countries, too, and practically everywhere. Why is the left so weak? Talking about this organization that is going door to door talking to rural people.
Thomas Frank
Well, you know the answer to that. The main force behind the left was was the labor movement. First of all, thereās been this this dissociation between them and the Democratic Party, and second of all, theyāre so weak, in America anyways. I mean, the labor movement has just been beaten to the ground there. What is the union density rate in America?
Itās something like seven. No, itās something like six percent in the private sector. I mean, itās incredibly low. Theyāve got nothing. With that gone, youāve got all the traditional bulwark underpinning of the left, has evaporated, and itās getting harder to even understand economic issues on the left anymore.
Paul Jay
Well, I think this model of people going to rural America or people from. We shouldnāt also think rural America is one block of people. I mean, thereās a lot of big progressive people in rural America. I just got this video from this woman that lives in rural Wisconsin. She wrote me a note and I asked her to make a video, and she lives in a small town, mostly Trump voters, and she made a video about why she thinks people have abandoned the Democratic Party or the other way around.
She says the Democratic Party abandoned them, and Iām going to run that video probably alongside running this interview, but what happened in the civil rights movement, to some extent, the idea of a real campaign to go and talk and listen to rural America and make that a big piece of a progressive political agenda. Yeah.
Thomas Frank
So now youāre getting me close to the P word, populism, because the populists are the original radicals in American life, these are the original group that demanded government intervention in the economy on behalf of working people. It was a trans racial movement of working-class people. They were farmers. They were led by farmers, and thatās who the rank and file were, and farmers in the 19th century could be really radical, and every now and then youād have this sort of uprising among the farmers. Farmers were obviously the biggest occupational group in America. Even in the 1980s more than half the population of America was still farmers. And they.
Their interests were opposed to the interests of banks just automatically because farmers are borrowers, theyāre debtors, and thereās this sort of built-in hostility there. Thatās gone, farmers are a very, very small part of the population now, and they donāt tend to hate banks as much as they used to, but they do hate monopolies. Anyhow, but farmers can be radical and people in small towns can be radical. We know it because itās happened before.
Paul Jay
The woman that sent me the video, which, as I said, Iām going to play, she says the elites in the cities just donāt see us when they talk about flyover. Yeah, they really donāt see us, and as much as it was bullshit, she says Trump seems to see us.
Yeah, thatās right, āseemsā is the operative word there, but there were all sorts of ways that he did that. I mean, just look at what he did. He talked about the trade agreements. That was that was really smart. That hurt Clinton really bad. He talked about the opioid epidemic and he did that in a way that resonated for people.
I mean, everybody knew that was a terrible problem, right, but somehow Trump was able to capitalize on it. There are all sorts of ways that he was able to do that, go back and look at it. Itās not just the bigotry. I mean, thereās obviously a certain audience for that in America, that loves that crap, but itās obvious thereās more to it than just that, because, the famous Obama.
Paul Jay
Letās go back to the censorship thing. In Canada, and almost every advanced country capitalist country and many of the developing countries, they actually do have laws against hate speech. Itās a very common law. United States is one of the outliers not to have it.
Whatās your view on that? Now, most of the laws do not have punishment for, say, the social media company. If an individual goes on in one way or the other and commits hate speech, whether itās on social media or in print or in some other way, itās that individual whoās accountable and could be charged.
Thomas Frank
Yeah, well, I obviously a very American view on that, First Amendment, thatās one of the ways in which we are a profoundly democratic country, the sort of free speech absolutism, and the sort of doctrine here in America is that unless you are. I mean, there are rules about speech.
You and I are journalists. We know about defamation. Right. Thatās you can get sued for libeling someone, and if you threaten imminent violence. I donāt remember the exact term, but the Supreme Court has defined it, and thatās the standard in America, and hate speech does not apparently, unless youāre directly threatening someone, threatening imminent harm to someone, thatāsĀ the rule, it canāt be outlawed.
Paul Jay
Which allows for outright Nazi propaganda as long as they donāt specifically threaten someone. See Iām in favor of that kind of law.
I think if itās used against very narrowly the way itās defined incitement for hatred against an identifiable group, and I know in the Canadian situation, the law has been used very, very rarely, but it has been like there was one Nazi guy who was very active in the global Nazi movement, he was charged under this. In Germany they have a law that goes a little further. The German law is closer to what the Democrats are calling for. This is from 2017.
Thomas Frank
Well, the problem is they canāt do it legally. The Constitution prevents them from passing a law like that. So what theyāre trying to do is coerce Silicon Valley into doing it for them, and thatās kind of an iffy strategy, and I believe theyāll probably get in trouble with the courts just by doing that, just by threatening to punish social media if they donāt start cracking down, even that is illegal. They canāt do that either, but weāll see, nobody has stepped in to stop them yet. Weāll find out.
So, what if there was a well-financed campaign of outright racist propaganda pushed on social media in a big way? Without a direct threat of violence against anyone, but I donāt want to say that would be the Koch brothers, because I donāt think they would actually do that, but I donāt know Robert Mercer, somebody.
Thomas Frank
So thereās plenty of people who do stuff like that. Yeah, absolutely. So I donāt know, Paul. I mean, I assume that that Silicon Valley companies are not the state. They can do whatever they want. That is that is the fact.
Paul Jay
Well, maybe thatās the answer is that they shouldnāt have that kind of clout in the culture.
Thomas Frank
When when you sign up for your account, you agree to not do all of these things, you agree to not threaten people. You agree to not defame people, but they canāt be held responsible. This is the weird the loophole in the law that was passed back in the 1990s.
So, you canāt sue Facebook if somebody threatens you on Facebook, by the way, which has happened to me, isnāt that the craziest damn thing?
I got a death threat on Facebook once, the nuttiest thing, and I canāt hold Facebook accountable for that. Well, I mean, nothing happened, so I canāt hold anybody accountable.
Paul Jay
So, letās explore what would be a model that would be reasonable. Like you talked about regulation. You talked about breaking them up.
Thomas Frank
Yeah.
Paul Jay
I mean, is there a democratic way to keep overt racist and fascist stuff out of this? I think that word overt is very important because a lot of people might think something is racist and itās a matter of interpretation or argument.
Thomas Frank
I know what you mean, because thatās what all of these Supreme Court decisions and these big ACLU cases, thatās always what itās about over the last 20 or 30 years, like the Nazis wanted to march in Skokie, Illinois, and the Supreme Court, the current sort of Supreme Court standard for free speech came after a leader of the Ku Klux Klan gave some incredibly vile speech somewhere in Ohio and went to jail right. He was threatening people, but in an abstract sort of way, and the Supreme Court ruled in his favor.
These are always the test cases in America, but social media obviously has has different standards, but the standards have to be really broad. What disturbs me is the Democrats trying to get them to rewrite the algorithm, to punish their political opponents. I have very little sympathy for Nazis or the Clan or any of these. I donāt really care what happens to them.
Paul Jay
Well, thereās an interesting commission I think it was British, but bunch of Europeans were involved to come up with recommendations, and I thought one of their recommendations was actually really good. To make YouTubeās and all the social media have to make their algorithms public. How do they decide what to suppress, what not to suppress?
Thomas Frank
Interesting idea.
Paul Jay
Make that a matter of public disclosure, and that would be an interesting law. It would be constitutional. I think they could yell proprietary, but I think the public interest would trump it, make them disclose how theyāre deciding things, like how does theAnalysis get caught in something thatās supposed to be suppressing?
Thomas Frank
It would also be awesome if there was some way to appeal things, like when you find these newspapers and TV channels like CNN that constantly talk about misinformation and the dangers of misinformation. OK, fair enough. What about when they make a mistake and we have a perfect example that the whole Russiagate thing. It went on for four years and it was crazy and it all turned out to be, not all of it, but about 90 percent of it turned out to be based on mistakes, on groundless fears, or exaggerations, that were pumped up by the media. OK, how do we hold them accountable? Whatās the mechanism for causing them to be held accountable?
Paul Jay
What would you like to see?
Thomas Frank
I have no idea. I mean you could write a letter to the editor.
Paul Jay
Well, you could have some kind of tribunal, maybe with no actual authority, like not binding, because you donāt want some tribunal to be able to decide this is true and that isnāt, but maybe a public forum that has to get media coverage where you could actually have debates and investigation like you donāt even have balanced. What is it since Reagan? You donāt even have fair balance.
Thomas Frank
Yeah, the Fairness Doctrine. Yeah, you donāt even have that. Even if we did, they still wouldnāt let you on TV in America, Paul.
Paul Jay
Well, they wouldnāt let you on either.
I used to do radio. I used to do college radio. Youāre right I havenāt been on TV in America in a quite a long time. An actual broadcast TV I have not been on in years. Iāve been on Bill Maher. He had me on about six, seven months ago. Other than that, nothing. I havenāt been on MSNBC in four years, five years since the beginning of all this. And I havenāt been on CNN.,I was on CNN right up until Trump got elected, and then after that, it dried up. They lost interest in me.
Paul Jay
Because the critique of liberalism is outside the lines of what youāre allowed to talk about.
Thomas Frank
Yes. I have a funny story about that, about the mainstream media in America. And I canāt tell you who said this, but they said it to someone that was trying to get me on a broadcast network in America, letās just put it that way, and they said to this person who is like trying to promote Thomas Frank and like, come on you should have him to come on and talk about Listen, Liberal, this book criticizing the Democratic Party and they said, Iām not going to tell you who it was, but they said itās OK to criticize the Republicans from the left and itās OK to criticize the Democrats from the right, but you canāt criticize the Democrats from the left. That was their standard, so I fell outside the parameters of the acceptable. You canāt criticize the Democrats from the left. How about that? Paul Jay.
Well, I got to know Gore Vidal pretty well, I interviewed him a bunch of times before he died and sort of became his friend.
Thomas Frank
You even put out a book with Gore Vidal.
Paul Jay
Yeah, in fact thatās the book that Julian Assange was carrying. That became a big story, but Gore, who was a global literary celebrity and massive television star like in 1968 during the Democratic Party convention, when the streets were ablaze.
Thomas Frank
Yeah, he used to be on TV all the time. He would be on Johnny Carsonās show.
Paul Jay
And then as he more and more critiqued the leadership of the Democratic Party, he starts to get off American television, and even as such a star, when I got to know him the last two or three years of his life, he wasnāt on mainstream TV at all. His house constantly had European television crews coming in and out.
Thomas Frank
Iām on European TV all the time by the way, thatās not a problem. Theyāre very interested in America and whatās going on here, but American TV is no, theyāre not interested. I take that back. There was this guy in Baltimore. I used to go up to this guyās TV studio in Baltimore, and I would be on that all the time. I had trouble with the parking meters there. The parking meters were a headache.
Paul Jay
Haha, talking about my former life. All right, so in terms of dealing with the QAnon and the kind of real false narratives, and theyāre demonstratively false, and the most important one, of course, is climate change denial, climate science denial, which is by far the most consequential misinformation.
Thomas Frank
How do you beat something like that? In my opinion the right side of these debates ought to be the side that wins, and if they donāt, I think thereās something wrong with the way youāre presenting your side. To me, that is just like everybody knows climate change is happening. Weāre talking about farmers a minute ago. Donāt tell me farmers donāt know this. Of course they know it.
We were talking about Kansas City a minute ago, Iām from Kansas City. It used to snow a lot in Kansas City in the wintertime. Now, when you go there and it snows, they donāt know what to do. Theyāre like, oh, my God, itās snowing. Itās like, yeah, it is. Itās Kansas City. It snows. It never snows there anymore. Everyone knows climate change is happening. If you canāt talk to people about something that everyone knows is taking place, thereās something wrong with the way youāre framing it, the way youāre presenting these facts. This is not my subject, I havenāt really studied it a whole lot, but the same thing is true with Covid.
I think uniquely among the nations, we Americans made Covid into a culture war, which is absolutely fascinating to me, like why? Why would we do this?
Paul Jay
I got to say, itās not uniquely. Itās happening in Brazil. Itās even happening to some extent in Canada. Itās happening in Europe. The same kind of rightist populist kind of politics. I donāt even understand why vaccination and masks became an issue for the right.
Thomas Frank
And they could have played it the other way and I think itās to their incredible regret that they played it the way that they did. I mean, had Trump stepped up and been a real leader during Covid, he probably would have been reelected. The fact that he was such a dunce, a fool, and a terrible leader, telling people they should inject bleach. Do you remember that? I mean, the idiotic things that he said, thatās a big part of the reason why he lost. Guys like Steve Bannon were on this very early trying to get him to take a hard line about it. Itās not worth going into.
Iām just saying it didnāt have to unfold in the way that it did, and itās all of the, by the way, itās a subject I want to write about someday. Iām just so sick of politics. Iāve just had enough of it, but how Covid became a culture war is really fascinating to me, and I donāt think itās that simple to say, well, these people are stupid, and they donāt understand science. Thatās not the answer. Itās a little more complicated than that, but I donāt have it. I canāt give you the answer right now.
Paul Jay
Well, it has to do with this profound distrust in government, which is not new.
Thomas Frank
Yeah, thereās that, but itās also, if you ask me, itās always about social class, and itās not just this distrust of government because government was Trump at the time.
Paul Jay
This goes back to Reagan, too. Reaganās big slogan was, government isnāt the solution, itās the problem, but thereās another thing happening which we better pay attention to, because I think a lot of the left and progressives donāt watch as much Tucker Carlson and right-wing media as I do and maybe some others, but the people like Tucker Carlson, like Bannon, they are taking over the anti-corporatist rhetoric.
Thomas Frank
Yes. Why are they doing that? And the answer is because they can, because we arenāt there to stop them. There arenāt voices like mine on the left media such as it is, and so theyāre able to do it. Yes, this is happening. There is a shifting of the tectonic plates going on in America right now. This is what I wrote about for Le Monde Diplomatique.
I mean, itās not written about in America, but just 10 years ago when you talked about the Republican Party, the one fact you needed to know is that this was the party of the rich. Well, thatās not the case anymore.
Paul Jay
The rich or the party of big business.
Thomas Frank
Yeah, theyāre changing sides with a few exceptions, like big oil, casinos, things like that.
I donāt think theyāre really changing sides, but theyāve learned the rhetoric. As Reagan.
Well, the sides are changing. Itās a very curious shift thatās going. Paul by the way, I have to hang up here in a minute, but Iāve told you about this before, the place that I grew up was this very wealthy part of Kansas City.
My family wasnāt wealthy, but the kids that were on my street, that I went to school with, that I played with, they were the ruling class of the state of Kansas and the city of Kansas City. They owned it, or their families owned it. These were the most Republican people in America. Bob Dole Republicans, Dwight D. Eisenhower Republicans, Nancy Kassebaum Republicans. Those are all people from Kansas.
And Goldwater, they loved Goldwater, my neighborhood went for Goldwater by like 75 percent or something like that. They just went for Biden. I looked it up. Itās the first time that county that I grew up in went for a Democrat since Woodrow Wilson. Over a hundred years they were Republican and now they flipped. That is for me, that is an earthquake, and I went and I dug into the data and looked at my neighborhood, the actual neighborhood where my father still lives.
Biden won every precinct, every single precinct where these very, very, very wealthy people live. This is a shifting of the plates. Something is going on here, and now you look at a map of the state of Kansas and it used to be all red. The Democrats traditionally won one county, which is this very working class urban county right north of where I grew up.
Well, now they win that one and then they win the rich people and then they lose everything else, all the farmers, they get the college town. They get the place where the University of Kansas is. What is going on in this country is incredible, but the ruling class is changing sides. That doesnāt mean that theyāre becoming particularly liberal, doesnāt mean that theyāre going to start watching Paul Jay. It doesnāt mean theyāre going to start putting me on TV or anything like that. It means that theyāre. Iām sorry. Iām out ofĀ Ā out of gas here, but, the ruling class is voting for Democrats.
Thatās whatās happening, and the ruling class isnāt monolithic. The change has taken place over time. Itās not complete yet. It hasnāt fully happened, but it is happening, and thereās no doubt about it.
Thatās one of the lines in this Guardian story that Iām proud of, the Democrats, scold and shush and boss you around like a ruling class, because to a certain degree, thatās what they are.
Paul Jay
All right, thanks for joining us, Thomas.
Thomas Frank
My pleasure.
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