The war against Slobodan Milosevic was clearly lost when the London
papers ran a front-page photograph of Defence Secretary George Robertson in Italy aboard a
warplane. This isn’t a war, it’s a photo op for politicians who have never seen
battle. With friends like British prime minister Tony Blair and his comic book hero, Bill
Clinton, Kosovo’s Albanians will be lucky to find tent space in exile. Those who have
survived Serbian pogroms are making their way to Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania, while
NATO aircraft overhead do nothing to stop the Serbs from making them permanent refugees.
In 1948, the Palestinians made a similar trek to Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Gaza, while
the Arab armies watched them.
The Palestinians could have warned the Kosovar Albanians about
allies who bluster and bomb, but either cannot or will not defend them from dispossession
and destruction. The Arab states promised the kind of support NATO is giving the
Albanians: that is, the kind guaranteed to antagonise their enemies into expelling them
once and for all. Seven Arab states declared war on the new state of Israel in May 1948.
"Then," the Palestinian writer Constantine Zurayk noted, "when the moment
arrived, the fire proved to be low and dull, the steel and iron, rusty, bent and
susceptible to quick damage and disintegration, and the bombs, hollow, empty and
harmless."
NATO’s bombs are not harmless, but they are doing no harm at
allto the Serb forces attacking Albanians.
The Arab leaders of 1948 were bullshit artists, who raised the
Palestinians’ hopes only to let them down. What is NATO doing to prevent the
dispossession of the new Palestinians of the Balkans? Bombing from the relative safety of
the skies and seas. If that fails, and it is failing, they’ll bomb again.
The Kosovar Albanians, like the Arabs of 1948 Palestine, are the
majority population in their disputed land. As the Arabs were, they are peasants without
the weapons to resist a minority population that demands all the land for itself. The
Palestinian Arabs should have sought a realistic agreement with the Zionist settlers, but
the braggadocio of the Arab governments let them believe they would prevail without
compromise. Arab newspapers were crying for Israeli blood, and Islamic demonstrators as
far away as Singapore demanded justice for Palestine’s Arabs. No Arab leader had the
courage to announce the simple fact that they could not beat the Israelis. Instead, seven
Arab states declared war on a new country they could not defeat. The Arab armies never
fielded more than 40,000 poorly-trained troops against Israel’s 60,000 well-armed
fighters. Jordan had already made a secret agreement with the Israeli leadership to
partition the country. Most serious Israeli historians now confirm that the Haganah and
other Jewish forces used the Arab invasion as cover to expel most of Palestine’s
Arabs.
Kosovo’s Albanians are suffering the same fate for the same
reason. Much of the British and American press was screaming for war against the brutal
Slobodan Milosevic. Blair and Clinton were glad to oblige – so long as no one from
NATO got hurt. The air war is as effective in protecting them as the Arab invasion of
Israel was in saving Palestine’s Arabs, but London and Washington will not admit it.
Here are the myths Clinton and Blair are asking us to believe: that
Milosevic will cave into NATO; that the Albanians are going to return home; that they will
again be a majority in Kosovo; that Albanian refugees will not destabilise their
neighbours as the Palestinian refugees did in Jordan in 1970 and Lebanon in 1975; that the
war is somehow both legal, despite the UN Charter, and right, despite the destruction of
Albanian Kosovo, the Serbian opposition to Milosevic and the fledgling Montenegran
independence movement.
The British government’s overseas development minister, Clare
Short, assures an incredulous British public that the Serbs will allow the refugees to
return. What will Britain and the US do if Milosevic doesn’t? Bomb him? How many of
Bosnia’s Muslims have returned to their homes near the mass graves of Srebrenica
since Dayton?
Meanwhile, the BBC has reverted to its traditional role of trying to
suppress news that might distress the folks at home. The award-winning BBC radio
journalist Tim Llewellyn, who was threatened with death by the Syrians in Beirut in the
late 1970s, returned from Belgrade just before the bombing with a report on the daily
lives of ordinary Serbs. When the bombing began, the BBC killed his story. Llewellyn,
outraged, publicly accused the BBC of cowardice and censorship. The state-run corporation
became even more cowardly, backing down by running his report late at night. It did not
list the report, as is customary, in the newspaper guides and edited in a historian who
put the report into "perspective" by saying how awful the Serbs were. The BBC
could teach Milosevic about propaganda.
Meanwhile, Tony Blair’s government complains – much as the
US did when CNN’s Peter Arnett stayed in Baghdad in 1991 – that the BBC’s
distinguished correspondent John Simpson is reporting unfairly from Belgrade. He is one of
the few reporters to have stayed behind there, at risk to himself. He is telling his
audience what all of us who have reported from the foreign capitals (Tripoli, Beirut,
Baghdad et al) the US has targeted: bombs kill people and force them into the arms of, in
this case, the dictator whom they would gladly have strangled until the US started a war
and made him a patriot.
Never mind that the US in 1946 wrote and signed the Charter of the
United Nations that made such attacks illegal. But, for God’s sake, don’t
consign the Kosovar Albanians to the fate of Palestine’s Arabs: to be forgotten by
the West, despised by their host populations and dreaming forever of returning their lost
orchards, farms and cities. Will they be consoled by the sight of a British Defence
Secretary in the grounded cockpit of a warplane in Italy, looking like a toy soldier?
© Charles Glass 1999
Charles Glass is a journalist