Dorothy Guellec
Americans
are not correctly informed about the Canadian system. This may or may not be a
conscious media effort, but I want to set the record straight. Healthcare
delivery in Canada reflects the country’s principles, in particular universal
entitlement and equitable access. Despite efforts āto unhinge people from
their firm hold on these principles, Canadians continue to strive towards a
health care system that will all the fruits of the health sciences available to
all our residents without hindrance of any kindā.
I
prepared myself by reading āUniversal Healthcare: what the U.S. can learn from
the Canadian experienceā by Pat and Hugh Armstrong with Claudia Fegan, M.D. In
addition I had a long and very helpful chat with Colleen Fuller, a researcher
and writer who focuses on health care issues in both the public policy arena and
in the private marketplace. She was invited to make a presentation before the
Senate Social Affairs Committee April 6,2000. I drew heavily from these two
sources, and I am extremely grateful for all their material and interest.
The
concept of Universal Healthcare for the whole country began in the province of
Saskatchewan in 1947. Everyone in the province was covered for impatient care,
regardless of financial resources or location. People in high places flocked to
see the Saskatchewan plan in action. Other provinces were to follow as
healthcare was a provincial responsibility, but the federal government had the
financial resources. It is difficult to distill a 176 page book and numerous
wonderful articles, but I will give an in depth outline as this forum permits,
so that US readers can get the true story.
The
road to what was later called the Canada Health Act was a rugged one. Physicians
were against any notion of universal coverage, while union members were strongly
in favor. No province could resist the federal offer of cash to help pay for
hospital insurance, or the demands from citizens and research evidence. By 1961
all provinces had hospital insurance in place and āalmost all Canadians were
covered by a public planā. Canadians could walk into a hospital, present their
hospital card or health number, and be admitted. They neither saw a bill nor
paid directly for basic services. The Canada Health Act, only 13 pages was
introduced into Parliament in 1984 where it passed with unanimous consent.
Basically the Act āstated that for every dollar citizens paid in user fees or
extra billing the federal government would deduct a dollar from its cash
transfer to the province concerned. Everyone must be covered for medically
necessary hospital and doctor services ā no extra fees could be attached to
these services.ā Under the earlier legislation only medical practitioners were
covered. With the Canada Health Act the definition was changed and expanded.
Health,
not merely illness was established as a public concern. Canadians believe in
collective rights or entitlements or āuniversalityā extended
āthrough and guaranteed in Canada’s health and social and political
environment. Three of its five criteria ā universal coverage,
accessibility and comprehensiveness āhave been supported through the funding
relationships between federal and provincial governments, and between provinces
and health care providersā.
What
do Canadians get? They get hospitals, doctors, nursing home intermediate care
service, adult residential service; home care service and ambulatory care
service. Canada also has residential care facilities for the physically
handicapped, the developmentally delayed, and the psychiatrically disabled. As
the Armstrong’s explain in their chapter āGetting Accessā āMore than 80%
of the facilities for the developmentally delayed and the physically handicapped
are nonprofit institutions that receive substantial government funding.ā
Coverage is comprehensive then, providing for basic needs, diagnosis and tests,
treatment, supplies and equipment, drugs and other preparations, dentists,
midwives, and includes the services of other practitioners.
The
Act requires that doctors receive reasonable compensation. This is not
socialized medicine. The federal government does not set fees; the doctors’
associations with provincial governments negotiate them. Administrative costs
are held down as doctors work without assistants to coordinate reimbursement,
and thus spend dramatically less time and money on billing compared to the U.S.
counterparts. Patients do not receive lengthy bills explaining every little item
such as an aspirin. In fact patients do not receive bills at all. This
intermediate layer is responsible for huge expenditures ā the gatekeeper.
In
the U.S. we could save about $36 billion a year if we had a āpaperless
hospital.ā As Business Week reported, we could save by just using electronic
communications for transmitting patient data. āThe health sector makes up 13%
of the GNP (this was in 1995) but only 1 to 2% of the budget is spent on
information technology.ā Banks spend 10%. Physicians and health professionals
spend more than 50% of their time dealing with tasks that have no direct use for
the patient. Can you imagine what would happen in the US if we eliminated all
intermediate levels, doing away with these unnecessary costs? In addition, we
would have to get rid of the profit motive, which puts stockholders first to
satisfy the capitalistic bottom line.
We
are slipping so far and so fast that we are not even aware of the insidious
Bioethicists in our midst. Decision-making has been quietly co-opted by
ābioethicsā, a āgenre of philosophical discourse practiced by an elite
group of academics, philosophers, lawyers, and physicians, many of whom are
openly hostile to the sanctity of life and the Hippocratic traditions that most
people still take for granted.ā But do not kid yourself this is all about
money. It was bioethicists and moral philosophers who thought up āFutile Care
Theory,ā which allows doctors and health-insurance executives to deny, not
merely high-tech interventions, but also such treatments as CPR and antibiotics
to the profoundly disabled and people at the end of life. This last phrase could
describe anyone who has a diagnosis from 6 months minimum to āa lifetime
exceeding that of federal guidelines.ā Even the Hastings Center, one of the
world’s most famous bioethics think tanks has jumped on the bandwagon. Daniel
Callahan, co-founder of this research groups stated March 2,200 in The New
England Journal of Medicine Sounding Board’s article āDeath and the Research
Imperativeā The federal government now defines a premature death as one that
occurs before the age of 65 years. He did not say where this number comes from.
Is it just a strange coincidence that Medicare starts at 65? He goes on, since
āthe concept of a premature death is only part biologic and is more obviously
cultural, it might best be understood as a death that occurs before a person has
lived long enough to experience the typical range of human possibilities and
aspirations to work, to learn, to love, to procreate, and to see one’s
children grow up and become independent adults. On the whole, I believe a life
span of 65 years is sufficient for these purposes, even if most of us would like
to live longer.ā Talk about rationing. This kind of thinking and reasoning is
arbitrary, cruel, materialistic, elitist, and reminds us of the Third Reich
policies. The notion that 65 is a human life span, and we should be grateful for
every year after, is intensely personal and should not pass as public policy.
Alas,
āthere comes a time in any industry when the principles that have long
governed its activity and operation no longer apply.ā The health-care system
the U.S. has reached this point. It is tottering not merely evolving toward some
new form. Consumers no longer know who is ultimately responsible for their care,
as managed care companies routinely drop groups over 65 or institute new rules.
Doctors come and go and change affiliations.
Canada
does not have a perfect system but its problems are not: (1) Financial (2)
waiting lists (3) bureaucracy and power and privacy (4) choices and abuses (5)
quality, technology, research and innovation. There are a few problems and that
will be taken up in part II.
The
Canadian health care system provides universal, accessible portable,
comprehensive care at reasonable cost through a public insurance system. This
system purchasers and providers, with the public insurance āscheme paying for
services provided by others.ā This provincially administered system allows for
flexibility as well as choices for patients and providers. At the same time it
permits planning to avoid unnecessary duplication and limitation on access. It
enjoys more support from its citizens than can be claimed by the health care
systems in other countries.