Nicholas Kristof ti n lu ilu pro-sweatshop fun igba diẹ. Kò pẹ́ lẹ́yìn ìdààmú ìnáwó Ìlà Oòrùn Éṣíà ní àwọn ọdún 1990, Kristof, akọ̀ròyìn tó gba ẹ̀bùn Pulitzer, tó sì tún jẹ́ akọ̀ròyìn fún New York Times nísinsìnyí, ròyìn ìtàn àtúnlò ọmọ ilẹ̀ Indonesia kan tí, tí ó ń gba àwọn àfọ́kù irin ti ibi ìdọ̀tí kan, lá lálá pé. ọmọ rẹ yoo dagba soke lati wa ni a sweatshop Osise. Lẹhinna, ni ọdun 2000, Kristof ati iyawo rẹ, onirohin Times Sheryl WuDunn, ṣe atẹjade “Awọn Iyọ Meji fun Sweatshops” ni Iwe irohin Times. Lọ́dún 2002, ìwé Kírísítì gba àwọn aṣáájú G-8 nímọ̀ràn pé kí wọ́n “bẹ̀rẹ̀ ìpolongo láti orílẹ̀-èdè kan láti gbé àwọn ohun tí wọ́n ń kó wọlé sí láti àwọn ilé ìwẹ̀fà lárugẹ, bóyá pẹ̀lú àwọn àkọlé onígboyà tí ń ṣàpẹẹrẹ àsíá kan tí a kò lè dá mọ̀ àti àwọn ọ̀rọ̀ náà ‘Ṣe ìgbéraga nínú Sweathop World Kẹta.’”
Now Kristof laments that too few poor, young African men have the opportunity to enter the satanic mill of sweatshop employment. [See his article reprinted below.] Like his earlier efforts, Kristof’s latest pro-sweatshop ditty synthesizes plenty of half-truths. Let’s take a closer look and see why there is still no reason to give it up for sweatshops.
Idakeji Dara julọ?
Kò yani lẹ́nu pé àwọn ọ̀dọ́kùnrin tó wà ní òpópónà olú ìlú orílẹ̀-èdè Nàmíbíà lè rí àwọn iṣẹ́ tó fani mọ́ra ju iṣẹ́ tí kò bójú mu lọ gẹ́gẹ́ bí òṣìṣẹ́ ojúmọ́ ní àwọn ibi ìkọ́lé.
The alternative jobs available to sweatshop workers are often worse and, as Kristof loves to point out, usually involve more sweating than those in world export factories. Most poor people in the developing world eke out their livelihoods from subsistence agriculture or by plying petty trades. Others on the edge of urban centers work as street-hawkers or hold other jobs in the informal sector. As economist Arthur MacEwan wrote a few years back in Dọla & Ayé, in a poor country like Indonesia, where women working in manufacturing earn five times as much as those in agriculture, sweatshops have no trouble finding workers.
Ṣugbọn jẹ ki a ṣe alaye nipa awọn nkan diẹ. Ni akọkọ, awọn iṣẹ ile-iṣẹ okeere, ni pataki ni awọn ile-iṣẹ aladanla, nigbagbogbo jẹ “tiketi kan si aini talaka diẹ diẹ,” bi paapaa ti ọrọ-aje ati olugbeja sweatshop Jagdish Bhagwati gba laaye.
Yàtọ̀ síyẹn, àwọn iṣẹ́ wọ̀nyí kì í sábà lọ sí ọ̀dọ̀ àwọn tí kò ṣiṣẹ́ tàbí àwọn tálákà jù lọ. Iwadi kan nipasẹ onimọ-jinlẹ Kurt Ver Beek fihan pe 60% ti awọn oṣiṣẹ Honduran maquila akoko akọkọ ti gba iṣẹ tẹlẹ. Ni deede wọn kii ṣe alaini, ati pe wọn ti kọ ẹkọ daradara ju ọpọlọpọ awọn Honduras lọ.
Sweatshops don’t just fail to rescue people from poverty. Setting up export factories where workers have few job alternatives has actually been a recipe for serious worker abuse. In Beyond Sweatshops, a book arguing for the benefits of direct foreign investment in the developing world, Brookings Institution economist Theodore Moran recounts the disastrous decision of the Philippine government to build the Bataan Export Processing Zone in an isolated mountainous area to lure foreign investors with the prospect of cheap labor. With few alternatives, Filipinos took jobs in the garment factories that sprung up in the zone. The manufacturers typically paid less than the minimum wage and forced employees to work overtime in factories filled with dust and fumes. Fed up, the workers eventually mounted a series of crippling strikes. Many factories shut down and occupancy rates in the zone plummeted, as did the value of exports, which declined by more than half between 1980 and 1986.
Ariyanjiyan Kristif kii ṣe awawi fun ilokulo sweatshop: pe awọn ipo buru ni ibomiiran ko ṣe nkankan lati dinku ijiya ti awọn oṣiṣẹ ni awọn ile-iṣẹ okeere. Wọn nigbagbogbo sẹ ẹtọ lati ṣeto, ti a tẹriba si awọn ipo iṣẹ ti ko ni aabo ati si ilokulo ọrọ, ti ara, ati ibalopọ, ti a fi agbara mu lati ṣiṣẹ iṣẹ aṣerekọja, fi agbara mu sinu awọn idanwo oyun ati paapaa iṣẹyun, ati san owo ti o kere ju oya laaye. O jẹ iwulo ati pataki lati koju awọn ipo wọnyi paapaa ti awọn iṣẹ omiiran ba buru si sibẹsibẹ.
Òtítọ́ náà pé àwọn ọ̀dọ́kùnrin ní Nàmíbíà rí àwọn iṣẹ́ tí wọ́n fi ń ṣọṣẹ́ afẹ́fẹ́ jẹ́rìí sí bí ipò nǹkan ṣe le koko tó fún àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ ní Áfíríkà, kì í ṣe àìnífẹ̀ẹ́ láti gba iṣẹ́ ilé iṣẹ́ ọjà ní ilẹ̀ òkèèrè.
Laisi ani, ifẹ Kristof lati ṣafihan awọn ile itaja sweatshops tuntun si iha isale asale Sahara ni Afirika ko rii atilẹyin kankan ninu Ofin Idagba ati Anfani Afirika (AGOA) ti o yìn. Ofin naa fun awọn oluṣelọpọ aṣọ ni iha isale asale Sahara ni iraye si yiyan si awọn ọja AMẸRIKA. Ṣugbọn laipẹ lẹhin igbasilẹ rẹ, Aṣoju Iṣowo AMẸRIKA Robert Zoellick ṣe idaniloju awọn oniroyin pe AGOA kii yoo ṣẹda awọn ile-iwẹwẹ ni Afirika nitori pe o nilo awọn iṣedede aabo fun awọn oṣiṣẹ ni ibamu pẹlu awọn ti Ajo Agbaye ti Labour ṣeto.
Antisweatshop ijajagbara ati ise
Kristof ni idaniloju pe ẹgbẹ antisweatshop ṣe ipalara fun awọn oṣiṣẹ pupọ ti o pinnu lati ṣe iranlọwọ. Ipo rẹ ni o ni kan awọn seductive kannaa si o. Gẹgẹbi ẹnikẹni ti o ti jiya nipasẹ ọrọ-aje iforowero yoo sọ fun ọ, dani ohun gbogbo miiran ni kanna, boṣewa iṣẹ ti o fi ipa mu awọn ile-iṣẹ kariaye ati awọn alagbaṣepọ wọn lati ṣe alekun owo-iṣẹ yẹ ki o ja si igbanisise awọn oṣiṣẹ diẹ.
Sugbon ni asa ṣe o? Ẹ̀rí kan ṣoṣo tí Kristif ń mú jáde ni ìfọ̀rọ̀wérọ̀ àròjinlẹ̀ kan nínú èyí tí ọ̀gá kan fi àìyẹsẹ̀ kọ àbá tí igbákejì ààrẹ Nike kan láti ṣí ilé iṣẹ́ kan ní Ethiopia tí ń san owó oṣù 25 sẹ́ǹtì ní wákàtí kan: “O ti ya ara rẹ! A yoo kọkọ ni gbogbo ogba ni orilẹ-ede naa. ”
Lakoko ti Kristof ni oju inu ti nṣiṣe lọwọ, awọn nkan kan wa ti ko tọ pẹlu ibaraẹnisọrọ yii.
Ni akọkọ, ẹgbẹ antisweatshop ṣọwọn bẹrẹ boycotts. Oluṣeto kan pẹlu United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS) dahun lori bulọọgi Kristof: “A ko pe fun awọn ọmọdedede aṣọ ayafi ti a ba beere ni gbangba nipasẹ awọn oṣiṣẹ ni ile-iṣẹ kan pato. Eyi jẹ, nitootọ, ṣọwọn pupọju, nitori, gẹgẹ bi o ṣe jiyan ni idaniloju, awọn eniyan ni gbogbogbo fẹ lati gba iṣẹ.” Igbimọ Laala ti Orilẹ-ede, agbari antisweatshop ti o tobi julọ ni Amẹrika, gba ipo kanna.
Pẹlupẹlu, nigbati awọn onimọ-ọrọ ọrọ-aje Ann Harrison ati Jason Scorse ṣe iwadii ifinufindo ti awọn ipa ti ronu antisweatshop lori oojọ ile-iṣẹ, wọn ko rii ipa oojọ odi. Harrison ati Scorse wo Indonesia, nibiti Nike ti jẹ ọkan ninu awọn ibi-afẹde ti ipolongo ti o ni agbara ti n pe fun owo-iṣẹ ti o dara julọ ati awọn ipo iṣẹ laarin awọn alaṣẹ ti orilẹ-ede naa. Ayẹwo iṣiro wọn rii pe ipolongo antisweatshop jẹ iduro fun 20% ti ilosoke ninu owo-iṣẹ gidi ti awọn oṣiṣẹ ti ko ni oye ni awọn ile-iṣelọpọ ti n ta aṣọ, bata, ati aṣọ okeere lati 1991 si 1996. Harrison ati Scorse tun rii pe “akitiyan antisweatshop ko ni pataki awọn ipa buburu lori iṣẹ” ni awọn apa wọnyi.
Awọn ipolongo fun awọn owo-iṣẹ ti o ga julọ ko ṣeeṣe lati pa awọn iṣẹ run nitori, fun awọn orilẹ-ede ati awọn alagbaṣe abẹlẹ wọn, awọn owo-iṣẹ jẹ apakan kekere ti awọn idiyele gbogbogbo wọn. Paapaa Kristof gba aaye yii, ti o ni akọsilẹ daradara nipasẹ awọn onimọ-ọrọ-ọrọ ti o lodi si iṣẹ iṣẹ sweatshop. Ni ile-iṣẹ aṣọ ni Ilu Meksiko, fun apẹẹrẹ, awọn onimọ-ọrọ-aje Robert Pollin, James Heintz, ati Justine Burns lati Ile-iṣẹ Iwadi Aje Oselu rii pe ilọpo meji owo sisan ti awọn oṣiṣẹ ti ko ni abojuto yoo ṣafikun $1.80 nikan si idiyele iṣelọpọ ti jaketi ere idaraya $ 100 awọn ọkunrin. Iwadi kan laipe kan nipasẹ National Bureau of Economic Research ri pe awọn onibara AMẸRIKA yoo ṣetan lati san $115 fun jaketi kanna ti wọn ba mọ pe ko ti ṣe labẹ awọn ipo sweatshop.
Ijaye agbaye ni iha isale asale Sahara
Kristof jẹ ẹtọ pe Afirika, paapaa ni iha isale asale Sahara, ti padanu ninu ilana agbaye. Iha Iwọ-oorun Iwọ-oorun Afirika n jiya lati idagbasoke ti o lọra, idoko-owo ajeji ti o taara, awọn ipele eto-ẹkọ kekere, ati awọn oṣuwọn osi ti o ga ju pupọ julọ gbogbo apakan miiran ni agbaye. Iyalẹnu kan 37 ti awọn orilẹ-ede 47 ti agbegbe ni ipin bi “owo oya kekere” nipasẹ Banki Agbaye, ọkọọkan pẹlu owo-wiwọle ti orilẹ-ede lapapọ ti o kere ju $825 fun eniyan kan. Ọpọlọpọ awọn orilẹ-ede ni agbegbe naa ru awọn ẹru ti gbese ita ti o ga ati idaamu HIV ti o rọ ti Kristof ti ṣe awọn igbiyanju akọni lati mu wa si akiyesi agbaye.
Ṣugbọn ṣe awọn ile-iṣẹ ọpọlọpọ orilẹ-ede yago fun idoko-owo ni iha isale asale Sahara nitori awọn idiyele iṣẹ ti ga ju bi? Lakoko ti awọn idiyele iṣẹ ni South Africa ati Mauritius ga, awọn ti o wa ni awọn orilẹ-ede miiran ti agbegbe jẹ iwọntunwọnsi nipasẹ awọn iṣedede kariaye, ati pe o kere pupọ ni awọn igba miiran. Mu Lesotho, olutaja aṣọ ti o tobi julọ lati iha isale asale Sahara si Amẹrika. Ninu awọn ile-iṣelọpọ ti orilẹ-ede ti o ṣe adehun pẹlu Wal-Mart, oṣiṣẹ ti obinrin ni pataki julọ n gba aropin ti $ 54 ni oṣu kan. Iyẹn wa labẹ laini osi ti United Nations ti $2 fun ọjọ kan, ati pe o pẹlu akoko aṣepaṣe fi agbara mu deede. Ni Ilu Madagascar, olutaja aṣọ to tobi julọ ni ẹkun naa si Amẹrika, owo-iṣẹ ni ile-iṣẹ aṣọ jẹ 33 centi fun wakati kan, ti o kere ju ti Ilu China ati laarin awọn ti o kere julọ ni agbaye. Ati ni Ramatex Textile, ile-iṣẹ asọ ti o jẹ ti ara ilu Malaysia ni Namibia, awọn oṣiṣẹ n gba to $100 fun oṣu kan ni ibamu si Ile-iṣẹ Oro Iṣẹ ati Ile-iṣẹ Iwadi ni Windhoek. Pupọ julọ awọn oṣiṣẹ n pin awọn owo-wiwọle to lopin wọn pẹlu awọn idile ti o gbooro ati awọn ọmọde, ati pe wọn rin awọn ijinna pipẹ lati ṣiṣẹ nitori wọn ko le ni gbigbe ọkọ to dara julọ.
On the other hand, recent experience shows that sub-Saharan countries with decent labor standards can develop strong manufacturing export sectors. In the late 1990s, Francis Teal of Oxford’s Centre for the Study of African Economies compared Mauritius’s successful export industries with Ghana’s unsuccessful ones. Teal found that workers in Mauritius earned ten times as much as those in Ghana — $384 a month in Mauritius as opposed to $36 in Ghana. Mauritius’s textile and garment industry remained competitive because its workforce was better educated and far more productive than Ghana’s. Despite paying poverty wages, the Ghanaian factories floundered.
Kristof mọ ni kikun daradara idi gidi ti awọn ile-iṣelọpọ aṣọ ni agbegbe n tiipa: ipari ti Adehun Multifiber ni Oṣu Kini to kọja. Adehun naa, eyiti o ṣeto awọn ipin okeere ti orilẹ-ede fun awọn aṣọ ati awọn aṣọ, daabobo awọn ile-iṣẹ aṣọ ni awọn orilẹ-ede kekere ni agbaye lati idije taara pẹlu China. Ni bayi Ilu China ati, si alefa ti o kere ju, India, n pọ si nipo awọn aṣelọpọ aṣọ miiran. Ni ipo tuntun yii, awọn owo-iṣẹ kekere nikan ko ṣeeṣe lati ṣe atilẹyin ile-iṣẹ aṣọ ti iha isale asale Sahara. Awọn orisun ile-iṣẹ jabo pe iha isale asale Sahara ni Africa jiya lati ọpọlọpọ awọn ailawọn miiran bi olupilẹṣẹ aṣọ, pẹlu awọn ohun elo ti o ga pupọ ati awọn idiyele gbigbe ati awọn akoko gbigbe gigun si Amẹrika. Ekun naa tun ni iṣelọpọ kekere ati iṣẹ ti o ni oye ju Asia, ati pe o ni awọn orisun diẹ ti owu owu ati awọn aṣọ ti o ni idiyele ti o ga julọ ju China ati India.
If Kristof is hell-bent on expanding the sub-Saharan apparel industry, he would do better to call for sub-Saharan economies to gain unrestricted access to the Quad markets — the United States, Canada, Japan, and Europe. Economists Stephen N. Karingi, Romain Perez, and Hakim Ben Hammouda estimate that the welfare gains associated with unrestricted market access could amount to $1.2 billion in sub-Saharan Africa, favoring primarily unskilled workers.
But why insist on apparel production in the first place? Namibia has sources of wealth besides a cheap labor pool for Nike’s sewing machines. The Oniṣowo reports that Namibia is a world-class producer of two mineral products: diamonds (the country ranks seventh by value) and uranium (it ranks fifth by volume). The mining industry is the heart of Namibia’s export economy and accounts for about 20% of the country’s GDP. But turning the mining sector into a vehicle for national economic development would mean confronting the foreign corporations that control the diamond industry, such as the South African De Beers Corporation. That is a tougher assignment than scapegoating antisweatshop activists.
Diẹ sii ati Dara julọ Awọn iṣẹ Afirika
Nitorinaa kilode ti awọn ile-iṣẹ ọpọlọpọ orilẹ-ede yago fun idoko-owo ni iha isale asale Sahara? Idahun naa, gẹgẹbi onimọ-ọrọ iṣowo kariaye Dani Rodrik, jẹ “patapata nitori idagbasoke ti o lọra” ti awọn ọrọ-aje iha isale asale Sahara. Rodrik ṣe iṣiro pe agbegbe naa ṣe alabapin ninu iṣowo kariaye bi o ti le nireti fun awọn ipele owo-wiwọle ti ọrọ-aje rẹ, iwọn orilẹ-ede, ati ilẹ-aye.
Atupalẹ Rodrik ni imọran pe ohun ti o dara julọ lati ṣe fun awọn oṣiṣẹ talaka ni Afirika ni lati gbe awọn ẹru gbese lori awọn ijọba wọn ati ṣe atilẹyin awọn akitiyan wọn lati kọ awọn eto-aje iṣẹ ṣiṣe. Iyẹn tumọ si idoko-owo ni awọn orisun eniyan ati awọn amayederun ti ara, ati imuse awọn ilana imulo macroeconomic ti o ni igbẹkẹle ti o fi ẹda iṣẹ si akọkọ. Ṣugbọn awọn idoko-owo wọnyi, bi Rodrik ṣe tọka si, gba akoko.
Lakoko, awọn eto imulo kariaye ti n ṣe agbekalẹ ilẹ-ilẹ fun owo-ọya ati awọn aabo fun awọn oṣiṣẹ kaakiri agbaye yoo ṣe diẹ sii fun awọn ọdọ ti o wa ni awọn igun opopona Windhoek ju fifi wọn silẹ fun ilokulo sweatshop, nitori lilọ osi jẹ ki awọn eniyan fẹ lati tẹ sinu nọmba eyikeyi ti awọn paṣipaarọ ainipẹkun. . Ati pe ti Namibia ba tilekun awọn ile-iṣelọpọ aṣọ rẹ nitori awọn agbewọle lati ilu China jẹ din owo, iyẹn kii ṣe ariyanjiyan fun igbiyanju lati mu ilọsiwaju awọn iṣedede iṣẹ ṣiṣẹ ni Ilu China, kii ṣe kekere wọn ni iha isale asale Sahara? Awọn iṣe laala ipanilaya jẹ kaakiri ni awọn ile-iṣelọpọ okeere ti Ilu China, gẹgẹ bi Igbimọ Iṣẹ ti Orilẹ-ede ati Ọsẹ Iṣowo ti ṣe akọsilẹ. Awọn oṣiṣẹ fi sinu awọn ọjọ 13- si 16-wakati, ọjọ meje ni ọsẹ kan. Wọn gbadun diẹ si ko si ilera ati imuse aabo, ati pe owo sisan ile wọn ṣubu ni isalẹ oya ti o kere ju lẹhin awọn itanran ati awọn iyokuro awọn agbanisiṣẹ wọn nigba miiran dawọ.
Itankale awọn ilokulo wọnyi ni iha isale asale Sahara kii yoo fun awọn oṣiṣẹ ni agbara nibẹ. Dipo o yoo gba anfani ti otitọ pe wọn wa laarin awọn oṣiṣẹ ti o yasọtọ julọ ni agbaye. Iderun gbese, awọn iṣedede iṣẹ agbaye, ati awọn idoko-owo gbogbo eniyan ni eto-ẹkọ ati awọn amayederun jẹ dajudaju awọn ọna ti o dara julọ lati ja osi ni Afirika ju igbero sweatshop Kristof.
Op-ed by Nicholas Kristof, New York Times, June 6, 2006
WINDHOEK, Namibia — Africa desperately needs Western help in the form of schools, clinics and sweatshops.
Ní òpópónà kan ní olú ìlú orílẹ̀-èdè Nàmíbíà, níhà gúúsù ìwọ̀ oòrùn Áfíríkà, mo bá àwùjọ àwọn ọ̀dọ́kùnrin kan sọ̀rọ̀ tí wọ́n ń gbìyànjú láti gbà gẹ́gẹ́ bí òṣìṣẹ́ ojúmọ́ ní àwọn ibi ìkọ́lé.
Naftal Shaanika, ọmọ 20 ọdún sọ pé: “Ojoojúmọ́ ni mo máa ń wá síbí. "Nitootọ Mo wa iṣẹ nikan ni ẹẹkan ni ọsẹ kan."
Mr. Shaanika and the other young men noted that the construction jobs were dangerous and arduous, and that they would vastly prefer steady jobs in, yes, sweatshops. Sure, sweatshop work is tedious, grueling and sometimes dangerous. But over all, sewing clothes is considerably less dangerous or arduous — or sweaty — than most alternatives in poor countries.
Awọn ọmọ ile-iwe giga ti Ilu Amẹrika ti o nitumọ daradara nigbagbogbo ṣe ipolongo lodi si awọn ile-iwẹwẹ. Sugbon dipo, ẹnikẹni ti o bikita nipa ija osi yẹ ki o ipolongo ni ojurere ti sweatshops, demanding wipe awọn ile-iṣẹ ṣeto awọn ile-iṣelọpọ ni Africa.
Iṣoro naa ni pe o tun jẹ idiyele lati ṣe iṣelọpọ ni Afirika. Awọn orififo kọja pupọ ti kọnputa naa pẹlu teepu pupa, ibajẹ, aisedeede iṣelu, ina mọnamọna ti ko ni igbẹkẹle ati awọn ebute oko oju omi, ati agbara oṣiṣẹ ti ko ni iriri ti o yori si iṣelọpọ kekere ati didara. Gbigbe egboogi-sweatshop kii ṣe idiwọ akọkọ, ṣugbọn o jẹ idi diẹ sii lati ma ṣe iṣelọpọ ni Afirika.
Fojuinu pe Igbakeji Alakoso Nike kan dabaa iṣelọpọ awọn T-seeti olowo poku ni Etiopia. Ọ̀gá náà á fèsì pé: “Ìwọ ti ya wèrè! A yoo kọkọ ni gbogbo ogba ni orilẹ-ede naa. ”
Diẹ ninu awọn ti o ṣe ipolongo lodi si awọn ile-iwẹwẹ n dahun si awọn ariyanjiyan mi nipa ṣiṣe akiyesi pe wọn ko lodi si awọn ile-iṣelọpọ ni Afirika, ṣugbọn nikan beere “owo oya laaye” ninu wọn. Lẹhinna, ti awọn idiyele iṣẹ ba jẹ $ 1 fun seeti kan, lẹhinna awọn owo-iṣẹ ilọpo meji yoo nira lati ṣe iyatọ ninu idiyele ikẹhin.
One problem … is that it already isn’t profitable to pay respectable salaries, and so any pressure to raise them becomes one more reason to avoid Africa altogether.
One of the best U.S. initiatives in Africa has been the African Growth and Opportunity Act, which allows duty-free imports from Africa — and thus has stimulated manufacturing there.
Sources: Arthur MacEwan, “Ask Dr. Dollar,” Dọla & Ayé, Sept–Oct 1998; John Miller, “Why Economists Are Wrong About Sweatshops and the Antisweatshop Movement,” ipenija, Jan–Feb 2003; R. Pollin, J. Burns, and J. Heintz, “Global Apparel Production and Sweatshop Labor: Can Raising Retail Prices Finance Living Wages?” Political Economy Research Institute, Working Paper 19, 2002; N. Kristof, “In Praise of the Maligned Sweatshop,”New York Times, June 6, 2006; N. Kristof, “Let Them Sweat,” NYT , June 25, 2002; N. Kristof, “Two Cheers for Sweatshops,” NYT , Sept 24, 2000; N. Kristof, “Asia’s Crisis Upsets Rising Effort to Confront Blight of Sweatshops,” NYT, June 15, 1998; A. Harrison and J. Scorse, “Improving the Conditions of Workers? Minimum Wage Legislation and Anti-Sweatshop Activism,” Calif. Management Review, Oct 2005; Herbert Jauch, “Africa’s Clothing and Textile Industry: The Case of Ramatex in Namibia,” in The Future of the Textile and Clothing Industry in Sub-Saharan Africa, ed. H. Jauch and R. Traub-Merz (Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2006); Kurt Alan Ver Beek, “Maquiladoras: Exploitation or Emancipation? An Overview of the Situation of Maquiladora Workers in Honduras,” Idagbasoke Agbaye, 29(9), 2001; Theodore Moran, Beyond Sweatshops: Foreign Direct Investment and Globalization in Developing Countries (Brookings Institution Press, 2002); “Comparative Assessment of the Competitiveness of the Textile and Apparel Sector in Selected Countries,” in Textiles and Apparel: Assessment of the Competitiveness of Certain Foreign Suppliers to the United States Market, Vol. 1, U.S. International Trade Commission, Jan 2004; S. N. Karingi, R. Perez, and H. Ben Hammouda, “Could Extended Preferences Reward Sub-Saharan Africa’s Participation in the Doha Round Negotiations?,” Aje Agbaye, 2006; Francis Teal, “Why Can Mauritius Export Manufactures and Ghana Can Not?,” Aje Agbaye, 22 (7), 1999; Dani Rodrik, “Trade Policy and Economic Performance in Sub-Saharan Africa,” Paper prepared for the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Nov 1997.
John Miller teaches economics at Wheaton College and is a member of the Dọla & Ayé collective. The syllabus for his course “Sweatshops in the World Economy” is available. This article is from the Oṣu Kẹsan / Oṣù 2006 oro ti Dọla & Ayé irohin.
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