Ninayo mbele yangu maandishi kamili ya ripoti kuhusu Kashmir iliyotayarishwa na Beersman Paul, Rais, Baraza la Haki za Kibinadamu, Geneva, iliyowasilishwa kwa Baraza katika 12 yake.th kikao, 14th Septemba,-2nd Oktoba, 2009.
The report, which is titled "Chama cha Ubelgiji cha Mshikamano na Jammu & Kashmir: Suluhisho Chini ya Katiba ya India," hujumuisha mwingiliano na matokeo ya Bw.Beersman wakati wa "ziara yake ya masomo katika Jimbo la Jammu na Kashmir kuanzia Juni 30-Julai 27, 2009.
After a brief, factual introductory, Beersman lists the individuals and organizations he interviewed during what must clearly have been an exhausting job of fact-finding, covering all three provinces of the state of Jammu & Kashmir and most shades of opinion, although I do not find any entries either for Syed Ali Shah Geelani (the only separatist leader who holds fast to the objective of accession of the state with Pakistan, via, no doubt the formality of self-determination), for Yaseen Malik (JKLF, who steadfastly espouses "independence" from both India and Pakistan) or any interview with a Kashmiri Pandit spokesperson (remembering that the Pandits, at the other end of the spectrum, want the state’s accession to India to be unambiguously cemented.) The text can be accessed at http://basjak.org.
Hapa chini ni muhtasari wa nukta nukta wa mambo muhimu yaliyotolewa na baadhi ya viongozi wakuu wa Bonde isipokuwa wale ambao utiifu wao kwa kutawazwa na India unasalia kuwa thabiti, ambao mara nyingi hujulikana kama vyama "vya kawaida" na vikundi vya kisiasa. Katalogi yangu kwa wazi haikusudiwi kutoa maandishi kamili ya yale ambayo kila mtu/shirika limerekodiwa kusema katika ripoti ya Beersman, lakini kuangazia kile kinachoonekana kwangu kuwa kero kuu za kila moja.
Bilal Lone-mjumbe, Halmashauri Kuu, Mkutano wa Wanachama Wote wa Hurriyat, (Wastani; APHC-M):
"Nina hakika migomo hii yote, hatals, kufungwa na maandamano
"Isipokuwa India na Pakistan zisogee karibu, hakuna matarajio ya Kashmir";
inaidhinisha diplomasia ya njia za nyuma, na inasema kwamba "Uhuru
Firdous Syed-mjumbe wa zamani, Baraza la Kutunga Sheria, mwanamgambo aliyejisalimisha:
"kutengwa kwa raia na mfumo ni mkubwa"; muhimu
swali ni jinsi ya kudumisha mawasiliano na watu; bonde linahitaji
Hashim Quereshi-J&K Liberal Democratic Party:
"dhidi ya waharibifu wote kwani wanamdhuru mtu wa kawaida tu."
"hakuna amani hadi suala la Kashmir lijadiliwe kati ya pande hizo tatu."
Azam Inqilabi-wa "Mahaz-e-Azadi, mwanachama, APHC-M; aliyewahi kuwa mwanzilishi wa
United Jehad Council (tangu inaongozwa na Syed Salauddin):
"Ni wakati ambapo maoni yaliyoimarishwa juu ya mzozo wa Kashmir yanapaswa kutolewa
kwa dhana ya maendeleo, ya baadaye, inayowezekana, na ya vitendo ya uwezeshaji wa
hapana kwa "prevarication, procrastination, recrimination, polemics";
"acha Kashmir iondolewe kijeshi kila upande wa LOC, acha sehemu hizo mbili
kuunganishwa tena. . .kuwezesha kusimikwa kwa bunge lililochaguliwa kwa dhati
ambapo wanademokrasia wazalendo wataamua asili na mahusiano na
nchi jirani, hasa India na Pakistan."
"Kashmir ya bure" nzuri kwa Asia Kusini.
Bashir Manzar— mh., "Picha za Kashmir":
"Mawazo ya mwathirika kati ya Kashmiris daima yanalaumu Delhi badala ya
"Omar Abdullah si karibu na ngazi ya chini";
kipaumbele-"kurejesha sheria na utaratibu";
machafuko: APHC na pengine PDP (Chama cha People's Democratic Party kinachoongozwa na
Mehbooba Mufti, ambayo inabishana kwa "kujitawala" bila kuleta Mhindi
sovereignty into question) yenye jukumu la kuwapotosha vijana;
Riyaz Kipunjabi- Makamu wa Kansela, chuo kikuu cha Kashmir:
"changamoto kubwa zaidi ya ukosefu wa ajira";
"changamoto zingine": "mazingira, maziwa, rasilimali za maji, nishati";
"wanamgambo walipoteza uungwaji mkono wa umma": "watu wanataka amani, utulivu,
maendeleo na uchumi unaostawi";
"Kipengele muhimu zaidi (kwa hali ya kawaida) ni kurudi kwa Pandits-
sehemu na sehemu ya jamii ya Kashmiri"; "watu wanataka warudi";
"Inapaswa kurudi, kujiunga na tawala kama sehemu ya jamii yetu, na kufanya kazi
Hemlata Wakloo-Katibu Mkuu, Bunge la Kitaifa la India:
"ugaidi lazima ukabiliwe";
"kurudisha usekula, kuheshimiana";
"Pakistani kuweka sufuria inayochemka"; "watu wasio na wanamgambo tena";
hakuna "mauaji ya jumuiya tangu 2005"; mauaji ya nasibu ya "Ulinzi wa Kijiji
Zaffar Iqbal Khan—Sek., Chuo cha Sanaa cha J&K State, Utamaduni na Lugha;
Mwanachama, Kikundi Kazi kuhusu mahusiano ya Jimbo-Kituo:
kuidhinisha serikali ya Omar Abdullah;
rushwa ni tatizo kubwa; govt., inapaswa kuwa mlangoni;
"ngazi ya kisiasa kuhudhuriwa na New Delhi";
MYTarigami—(CPIM; mjumbe, Bunge la Kutunga Sheria):
Pakistan ikiunga mkono machafuko kurudisha PDP madarakani;
mabadiliko ya kisiasa yanayohitajika ili kushughulikia "vijana waliokasirika";
"kituo lazima kije na mipango ya kisiasa";
"zungumza na vyama vya kawaida na wanaojitenga";
"haki za kidemokrasia na uhuru wa raia lazima zilindwe";
muda wa "kupunguza uwepo usio na uwiano wa vikosi vya usalama bila
Bhawani Bashir Yasir-Mwenyekiti, na Mkuu wa zamani wa Mrengo wa Kidiplomasia &
Sec., Jenerali JKLF, Ammanullah, Mwanzilishi wa Ensemble Kashmir
"tatizo litaendelea hadi sababu ya msingi haijashughulikiwa";
"India na Pakistan zinacheza na sisi."
Mirwaiz Umar Farooq—Chairman, APHC-M, and religious head of Jamia mosque in Srinagar:
Njia ya kukandamiza tu, ya kijeshi inayotumika;
vikosi vya usalama kupokea vifaa bora, fedha zaidi;
"mashirika ya wapiganaji hupokea pesa kutoka kwa majimbo ya Ghuba na
-
kufuta sheria za kibabe;
-
gradual demilitarization, starting with townships and cities;
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encourage people to people contact; leaders of both sides should
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kuhimiza biashara zaidi;
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India & Pakistan should jointly start a process reaching out to the
watu; kufufua mchakato wa amani
Shabir Ahmed Shah-Mwenyekiti, J&K Democratic Freedom Party, mwanachama,
Kituo hakitaki APHC mbili kuungana;
kutokuwa na uhakika wa kisiasa; "watu wanauawa, wanakamatwa, wanapigwa genge";
utaratibu wa dunia umebadilika; suluhisho kupitia "njia za amani, za kidemokrasia"
"Jumuiya ya ulimwengu lazima ihisi maumivu yetu."
Dk.Nusrat Andrabi-Mjumbe, Bodi ya J&K Muslim Waqf:
polisi wachukue nafasi ya CRPF (Central Reserve Police Force);
miundombinu itakayojengwa;
mazingira ya kulindwa;
matatizo ya maji kutatuliwa;
asasi za kiraia kuimarishwa;
uwazi zaidi;
kituo lazima kuanza tena mazungumzo licha ya hali mbaya katika Pakistan;
suluhisho la amani lipatikane.
Ansari Masroor—Rais, Itehad -ul-Muslameen; mwanachama, APHC-M:
'watenganishaji na mamlaka hawana mamlaka juu ya watu';
"vyombo visivyotaka amani vinahusika sana katika machafuko";
vyama vingi vinavyotoa maelekezo;
"migomo hii haiendani na mapambano yetu."
Mpango wa pointi tano:
-
India should accept it as a "disturbed area";
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stepwise demilitarization & repeal of draconian laws;
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harakati za bure kando ya LOC;
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mawasiliano ya watu kwa watu;
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make borders irrelevant; "Kashmiris should be given chance of ruling themselves without interference from India and Pakistan." 1947 borders to be restored.
Prof. Abdul Ghani Bhatt-Mwenyekiti, Mkutano wa Waislamu wa J&K; mwanachama, APHC-M:
"Geelani na APHC yake ni watu wenye msimamo mkali";
"tunategemeana na tunapaswa kutengeneza nafasi kwa ajili ya wengine";
"Tatizo la Kashmir lazima litatuliwe ... kuhakikisha kuishi kwa Kusini
"Kauli mbiu yetu inabaki kuwa azadi (uhuru)";
Mipaka isiyo na maana kwa watu/biashara;
Usimamizi wa pamoja na India, Pakistan, Kashmiris.
Dr.Siddiq Wahid—Makamu wa Chansela, Chuo Kikuu cha Kiislamu cha Sayansi na Teknolojia, Awantipoora:
vyombo vya habari visivyoaminika;
mbaya ikiwa upinzani unafanya siasa hasi;
Shakeel Qalander-Rais, Shirikisho, Vyumba vya Viwanda:
"Kutengwa kwa Kashmiri kutoka India kuna huko";
"Abdullah daima alitetea serikali huru ya buffer."
Mehbooba Mufti-Mkuu, Chama cha Demokrasia ya Watu:
"tatizo la msingi ni suala la Kashmir";
Kwa hivyo, "vikosi vya usalama viondolewe";
"utawala wa ndani na wa kikanda";
"Tunataka suluhu ndani ya Katiba ya India, bila
Feroze Kacho-Mkurugenzi Mtendaji, Mradi wa Maendeleo wa Kargil & Sec.,
Thupstan Chhewang-Ladakh Union Territory Front:
Ni lazima ilionekana kwa Beersman kwamba misimamo mikali inaonyeshwa kwa kiasi kidogo katika maoni haya, ambayo inaweza kuwa sababu ya kwamba wafuasi wa Pakistani Geelani APHC na vikosi vinavyojulikana vya pro-India, katika Bonde na katika jimbo la Jammu kupata nafasi ndogo huko. ripoti yake.
Ikumbukwe kwamba J&K kwa sasa iko chini ya utawala wa nchi tatu—Uchina inadhibiti Aksai Chin na eneo la kilomita 5180 likitolewa na Pakistan, India inayodhibiti jimbo la J&K, linalojumuisha mkoa wa Jammu, Bonde la Kashmir, na Ladakh, na Pakistan inayodhibiti. Azad Kashmir (POK), Gilgit & Baltistan (Maeneo ya Kaskazini), Beersman anatoa uchunguzi ufuatao wa kuhitimisha:
-J&K lazima ibaki na umoja ndani ya mipaka ya 1947, na modus vivendi inahitaji kupigwa kati ya Bonde na mkoa wa Jammu;
- kwamba vurugu itakataliwa kote;
-"Pakistani inapaswa kukomesha ugaidi wa kuvuka mpaka na upenyezaji wa mpaka; kuacha kutuma pesa, risasi, silaha, kuacha kutoa mafunzo. ... hakuwezi kuwa na suluhu."
–priority must be given to the sufferings of Kashmiris; stop violence and deception; "Kashmiris are fed up with violence."
-"majambazi wa kawaida" "wanajinufaisha na hali"—"kuteka nyara watu kwa ajili ya pesa, kubaka, kuua, kunyang'anya pesa kutoka kwa wafanyabiashara, kwa kutumia vitendo vya kimafia chini ya kifuniko cha 'harakati'";
-"ni rahisi kulaumu vikosi vya usalama kwa uhalifu wote unaotendwa";
-Nani anapaswa kuwakilisha idadi ya watu?
–"dissident leaders do not have a solution"; "’let a tripartite dialogue start and a solution will emerge automatically’ ‘is their view’";
–"The Kashmiri Pandits are the original Kashmiri speaking inhabitants of the valley. They were hounded out of the valley by militancy in 1990: some 500,000. . .fled to safer places. This exodus changed drastically the demographic composition of the population in the valley. After more than 19 years, the return of the Kashmiri Pandits is more and more blurred. Nevertheless, they have their emotional attachment with their birth ground, their roots. They only can return when peace is there and when the rule of law, not the rule of the majority is installed."
-bila shaka juu ya ukiukwaji wa haki za binadamu, na vikosi vya usalama na wapiganaji:
"viongozi wapinzani hawataji na hawakosoa ukiukwaji wa haki za binadamu unaofanywa na wapiganaji"; vyombo vya usalama vionyeshe kujizuia.
–"terrorism must be tackled. The government must bring back secularism and mutual respect."
-asili kwa vijana katika nyakati za shida kuwa isiyo ya kawaida;
–"construction and reconstruction continues. . .roads, office buildings, medical dispensaries are being built"; "shopping centres, hotels, residential areas, houses, posh villas, etc.,are being built, renovated"; "mobile phone became common good, and is operative in remote areas, and car-park is completely westernized, and latest and most expensive models can be seen."
-Sekta ya kibinafsi inaweza kuja tu wakati amani itarejeshwa;
— the "cry for self-determination by some parties is supported by Pakistan";
"Hata hivyo, kujiunga na Pakistan ni (chini) chaguo pekee ..." linalohitajika;
"Kwa kweli, kwa mujibu wa Azad J&K, Sheria ya Katiba ya Muda, 1974, Sehemu ya 7(2), 'hakuna mtu au chama cha kisiasa katika Azad Kashmir kitakachoruhusiwa kueneza dhidi ya, au kushiriki katika shughuli zinazoathiri au kudhuru itikadi ya kujiunga kwa serikali na Pakistan."
-"chaguo zote zinapaswa kuachwa wazi, kama vile kujiunga na India… kwa Pakistan, Azadi, uhuru kamili, kizigeu";
–"Pakistan has no stand in J&K. Pakistan raided J&K and is at the origin of the de facto partitioning of the state. As early as 13th August, 1948, the UN Commission for India and Pakistan requested Pakistan to withdraw its troops from the state as a precondition for organizing the Plebiscite. The same Commission in its Resolution of 5th January, 1949 repeated the request. Until this date Pakistan has not withdrawn its armed forces, and consequently the Plebiscite has not been held."
–"This conclusion is confirmed by the ‘Report on Kashmir: Present Situation and Future Prospects’ of Rapporteur, Baroness Nicholson of Winterbourne, Vice Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the European Union, and almost unanimously adopted by the Committee on Foreign Affairs (March, 2007)."
Mahojiano ya Beersman (ambayo yote hayajajumuishwa hapa) na hitimisho lake kuchukuliwa pamoja, pamoja na maoni mengine ya kihistoria, na ziara za mara kwa mara za waandishi hawa kwenye bonde zingeonekana kufanya makisio yafuatayo kuwa ya kweli na ya kweli:
- kwamba matumaini yoyote ambayo yanaweza kuwa yametolewa katika praksis ya vurugu kwa upande wowote ambayo imepotea;
-kwamba Wakashmiri ni kweli na hatimaye wameugua kwa mauaji, yeyote yule awe wauaji;
-kwamba hamu ya amani na utulivu ni jambo la kuhisiwa, linalochochewa pia na hamu miongoni mwa vijana wa Kashmiri na wenye vipaji kujitengenezea maisha yao ya baadaye;
-ambao wengi wanatazamia demokrasia ya ndani inayoaminika, inayoongozwa na utawala wa uwazi na wa haki ambao unaweza kuaminiwa kurekebisha maisha na mahitaji ya kimaendeleo ya Kashmiris;
–that alongwith peace and democracy, the desire to see the back of draconian laws and of the security forces is overwhelming and ubiquitous;
-kwamba Wakashmiri wengi wanataka kuona LOC ikifanywa kuwa haina umuhimu kwa madhumuni ya usafiri na biashara, hata kama hakuna mtu anayebishana kwa mgawanyiko wowote au utengano kwa misingi ya eneo, dini au tofauti za kikabila;
-kwamba Wakashmiri wengi wanatambua (baada ya Bangladesh na msukosuko wa sasa nchini Pakistan) kwamba dini haifanyi msingi wa utaifa;
–that, despite the tragic exodus of the Pandits, they continue to find home and hospitality whenever they visit the valley, and that Muslim Kashmiris would like to see them return, not into sequestered ghettos but as they used to be; just as Muslim Kashmiris also wish to see them assume their allegiance to the valley, sharing the suffering and the risk;
-kwamba vikundi vingi vilivyopangwa vinashikilia kwa dhati, kwa namna mbalimbali, dhana kama "kujitawala" na "uhuru mkubwa zaidi" bila changamoto kwa uhuru wa India;
–that Muslim Kashmiris harbour a just grievance about opportunities in the mainland remaining opaque to them because of sectarian politics and prejudice;
There has been some evidence recently that the government of India is beginning to be more accepting of concretizing more fully the "special status" that the state of J&K has under the Constitutional dispensation. There remains a doubt as to how far Pakistan which fully dictates political and administrative functions in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir may stretch itself with regard to according a matching autonomy to territory held by it.
Walakini, kwa kuzingatia hali ya maoni kote kote, pamoja na mwanazeitgeist wa ulimwengu, hakuna sababu kwa nini India inapaswa kujitenga na kufanya upanuzi wa ujasiri wa uhuru katika jimbo la J&K, kuunganisha hatua hizo na mabadiliko madhubuti na madhubuti ya sheria na katiba ili kuhakikisha kuwa mikoa pia inapewa uhuru wa ndani katika kazi nyingi iwezekanavyo kwa idhini.
Hatua ya kwanza yenye manufaa sana itakuwa kulirudisha jeshi katika maeneo ya mpakani, na kuwaachia polisi wa eneo hilo ulinzi wa miji na miji ambao ufanisi na mafunzo yao yangewekezwa kwa kiasi kikubwa na kuboreshwa.
Msamaha wa jumla kwa wale walio chini ya hatia ambao, baada ya yote, hakuna uthibitisho wa kitu chochote unaweza kuwa hatua nyingine ya kujenga imani, kuhakikisha kwamba kazi inapatikana kwa ajili yao.
Wito wa wazi na usio na upendeleo wa kuwajibika kwa wale waliohusika katika mauaji ya nje ya mahakama inaweza kuonekana kuwa hatua ya kurejesha, hasa inapoambatana na kufutwa kwa sehemu kubwa ya Sheria ya Nguvu Maalum za Jeshi.
As Beersman and some of his interviewees have argued, no normalcy can be credible and genuine until as many Pandits return to the valley as want to. Ways have to be conjointly found, in consultation with the people at large, to make this a reality. Even as the Pandits need to realize that their claim to being Kashmiris must remain wobbly till such time as they do not take the plunge to assume the valley again, and do their part to revive traditions of syncretism still lauded the world over.
Just as right-wing Hindutva forces in the mainland need to recognize that the Muslim Indians who stayed back at partition time—or, for that matter, the bulk of ordinary Muslims who fled to the new state of Pakistan—cannot be held responsible either for the Partition or for the mayhem that went with it, Kashmiri Pandits need to understand that the mayhem of 1990 did not involve the general will of Kashmiri Muslims, although they might have done more than they did to meet that mayhem.
But, all in all, the relative performance of the Indian and Pakistani states, the protracted experience of Kashmiris of all communities, the state of dysfunction and regression across the LOC, the complete failure of the politics of violence—with or without cross-border terrorism—the new avenues of advancement of secularism as an idea (in inverse proportion to the disasters wrought world-wide by sectarian/religious ideologies), coupled with the wonderful world of science and technology—all of that makes the moment propitious for all parties to the Kashmir stalemate to push for an endgame.
To my own intuition, permit me to say an agnostic’s "amen."
ZNetwork inafadhiliwa tu kupitia ukarimu wa wasomaji wake.
kuchangia