Parents’ ‘blood, sweat, and tears’ battle

‘army of crickets’ on lead-paint lawsuit

 

by Roger Bybee

“They’re doing it by blood, sweat and tears, ” Ald. Jeff Pawlinski admitted in grudging praise of the efforts of  Wisconsin Citizen Action and Parents Against Lead to persuade Milwaukee Common Council to sue the lead-paint industry.

Indeed, the tears that come from watching one’s own child suffering have been a powerful motivating force for hundreds of Milwaukee parents. Milwaukee has been plagued by the nation’s 5th-highest rate of childhood lead poisoning, which can result in retardation, severe learning disabilities, behavioral problems like hyperactivity, and major physical problems like hearing loss.

The lead-paint industry has been well aware of these effects for almost a century. One Sherwin-Williams document warned, ”White lead is poisonous, both for the workers and the inhabitants of a house painted with white lead colors. “  That document was written in 1904. But extensive lobbying efforts and campaign contributions by the lead-paint industry kept lead paint legal in the US until 1978, nearly 60 years after most European democracies had acted to protect their children from the effects of lead paint.

 

With nearly one of out of five Milwaukee children under age 6 showing elevated levels of lead in their bloodstreams, the city faces huge costs from the lingering effects of lead poisoning.  Taxpayers stand to continue picking up the tab for drastically higher educational and medical expenses for victims of lead poisoning.

Given this history and the city’s limited resources to clean up the lead problem on its own, it would seem only fitting that the Common Council would sue the industry that knowingly caused the problem. The lawsuit seeks to tap the coffers of the industry for the expenses needed to remove lead paint from older housing, and provides that attorneys’ fees be limited to 20% of the settlement, far below the standard rate.

With the lawsuit targeted on solving the problem of deprived children and not enriching lawyers,  the Council voted 12-5 on July 24 to authorize the lawsuit.  The arguments for the lawsuit united both progressives committed to children’s needs and some fiscal conservatives opposed to taxpayers paying for the cleanup of a problem caused by private interests.

However, Ald. Pawlinski and the lead-paint industry refused to show the white flag of surrender. Instead, Pawlinski launched a slick parliamentary maneuver where he switched his vote so that he could then call for “reconsideration” of the lawsuit.  (Pawlinski has also been fighting off proposals from Ald. Micahel D’Amato and others for lobbyist registration and the disclosure of lobbying expenses, as is required at the state level.)

Pawlilinski’s maneuver has set the stage of a showdown Sept. 6, accompanied by what veteran political observers call it the biggest lobbying battle ever fought in the hallways of City Hall in Milwaukee’s history.

The battle over the lawsuit has been viewed as bigger than the 1983 fight over the cable TV franchise awarded to Warner Cable or the 1999 battle over expansion of the Potawatomi Bingo Casino expansion.

Entrenched against the “blood, sweat and tears” grass-roots force of Citizen Action and PAL have been interests associated with the lead-paint industry:  The DuPont Corp. with $26.9 billion in assets, Sherwin-Williams, Glidden, Arco, NL Industries, and many more.

The lead-paint interests have hired “most of the city’s highest-profile, best-connected lobbyists and lawyers,” reported the Milwaukee Journal Aug. 7. The entranceways to the Common Council’s chambers have been so clogged with lobbyists for the industry that Todd Robert Murphy, the prominent lobbyist, remarked, “It was like walking into a seat of crickets. You’re afraid if you step wrong, you’ll crush one.”

As the votes are lining up, it now appears that freshman Ald. Rosa Cameron-Rollins from the 10th District on the near Northwest Side will play a particularly decisive role. Although her district had 665 cases of childhood lead poisoning according to city Health Dept. figures for 1998 (the latest available), Cameron-Rollins is leaning against the lawsuit. 

Despite the devastating figures for her district, Cameron-Rollins maintains that her constituents are more concerned with crime prevention and garbage-removal.

But Cameron-Rollins and other representatives of districts heavily afflicted by lead poisoning are likely to discover that their constituents will remember the Sept. 6 vote long after the highly-paid lobbyists have moved on to other clients. 

There’s a simple question that will haunt aldermen like Cameron-Rollins for years to come: Did you stand with big corporations like DuPont or with poisoned children deprived of their futures?

 Roger Bybee is the communications director of Wisconsin Citizen Action, the 58,000-member public-interest watchdog organization.


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I'm teaching in Labor Studies at Penn State and the University of Illinois in on-line classes. I've been continuing with my work as freelance writer, with my immediate aim to complete a book on corporate media coverage of globalization (tentatively titled The Giant Sucking Sound: How Corporate Media Swallowed the Myth of Free Trade.) I write frequently for Z, The Progressive Magazine's on-line site, The Progressive Populist, Madison's Isthmus alternative weekly, and a variety of publications including Yes!, The Progressive, Foreign Policy in Focus, and several websites. I've been writing a blog on labor issues for workinginthesetimes.com, turning out over 300 pieces in the past four years.My work specializes in corporate globalization, labor, and healthcare reform... I've been a progressive activist since the age of about 17, when I became deeply affected by the anti-war and civil rights movements. I entered college at University of Wisconsin Milwaukee just days after watching the Chicago police brutalize anti-war demonstrators at the Democratic Convention of 1968. I was active in a variety of "student power" and anti-war activities, highlighted by the May, 1970 strike after the Nixon's invastion of Cambodia and the massacres at Kent State and Jackson State. My senior year was capped by Nixon's bombing of Haiphong Harbor and the occupation of a university building, all in the same week I needed to finish 5-6 term papers to graduate, which I managed somehow. My wife Carolyn Winter, whom I met in the Wisconsin Alliance, and I have been together since 1975, getting officially married 10/11/81. Carolyn, a native New Yorker, has also been active for social justice since her youth (she attended the famous 1963 Civil Rights march where Dr. King gave his "I have a dream speech"). We have two grown children, Lane (with wife Elaine and 11-year-old grandson Zachary, who introduced poker to his classmates during recess)  living in Chicago and Rachel (who with her husband Michael have the amazing Talia Ruth,5, who can define "surreptitious" for you) living in Asbury Park, NJ. My sister Francie lives down the block from me. I'm a native of the once-heavily unionized industrial city of Racine, Wis. (which right-wingers sneeringly labeled "Little Moscow" during the upheavals of the 1930's), and both my grandfathers were industrial workers and Socialists. On my father's side, my grandfather was fired three times for Socialist or union activity. His family lost their home at one point during the Depression. My mom's father was a long-time member of UAW Local 72 at American Motors, where he worked for more than 30 years. Coming from impoverished families, my parents met through  a very low-cost form of recreation: Racine's Hiking Club.

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