German trade unions, like any form of unionism, can be viewed from three political perspectives. From a unitarist viewpoint, trade unions are irrelevant – merely disturbing management’s self-appointed “right to manage.” Their demands are irrational, as workers and bosses supposedly share the same interests.
Set against such hallucinations is the pluralist perspective, which sees trade unions as legitimate actors in any pluralist democratic society. It accepts that, in a pluralist society, conflict is inevitable but negotiable and resolvable. Finally, from a radical perspective, unions are agents of class war designed to overthrow capitalism.
Beyond all that, all trade unions share three aspects. First: unity is strength – or, together we bargain, individually we beg. Workers find power in numbers when facing management and companies. Second, all trade unions have at least three common interests: higher wages, shorter working time, and better working conditions.
Finally, unlike the staunchly authoritarian management, trade unions represent workplace democracy. More often than not, they provide the only opportunity for workers to influence workplace affairs through their elected representatives.
Across Europe, the level of trade union organizing – the proportion of workers who are union members – ranges from 5.6% in Orbán’s illiberal (read: authoritarian with a façade-democracy) Hungary to 72.3% in Sweden. Yet in almost all countries, there has been a decline in union membership since 2016. Even during recent crisis years marked by shocks such as Covid-19, there has been no reversal since 2020.
This decline is partly due to low organizing among workers in small firms, “atypical” workers – those outside standard 9-to-5 permanent employment, the precariat – workers with a migrant background, and younger workers.
On the upside, gender differences in unionization are decreasing in some European countries. Still, due to the disproportionate share of older cohorts in unions and the low organizing propensity of younger workers, the risk of further decline remains – unless unions succeed in correcting their current organizing deficits.
Meanwhile, unions across Europe increasingly face the problem of declining membership. Even countries with once high union density – such as the Scandinavian countries – have not maintained previous levels. Since the 2010s, organizing rates have fallen further in several countries, including Germany. This refers to the share of unionized workers among all workers.
Many European unions also show modernization deficits, expressed differently depending on socio-economic structures, employment patterns, and labor-relations systems. For example, many unions have failed to stabilize their membership base amid structural and socio-economic changes in the world of work.
Recent declines in unionization are linked to the age structure of unions, management’s increasing success in enforcing “atypical” forms of employment (e.g., temporary or part-time work), and difficulties organizing workers in small, digitalized, or IT-focused firms.
Since 2020 – years marked by the pandemic and Europe-wide energy price crises following Russia’s war against Ukraine – union density has shifted.
On the one hand, capitalism’s usual crises – particularly real wage losses caused by inflation – have given unions new opportunities to organize. Workers have had increased incentives to join unions. On the other hand, unions often struggle to meet members’ expectations on issues such as environmental responsibilities.
Against this background, we may ask whether unions have overcome their organizing deficits or whether the declining trend will continue.
In Germany, union membership has decreased while the number of workers has increased. The DGB saw an increase in 2023, followed by a decline the next year. A sustainable trend reversal is not yet visible. To determine the true level of German unionization, membership figures should be adjusted for pensioners and the unemployed.
Viewed this way, the degree of organizational strength varies widely across Europe. Union membership is still widespread among workers in Belgium, Finland, Norway, and Sweden, ranging from 39% (Belgium) to 72.3% (Sweden).
Countries with a medium degree of organizing include Ireland, the Netherlands, Austria, Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom – between 15.9% (Netherlands) and 32.1% (Austria). Germany, at 16.6%, sits in the middle. Countries with comparatively low unionization include Switzerland, France, Poland, and Hungary – between 5.6% and 11.5%.
One explanation for these differences lies in how unemployment insurance is administered. Some countries once used a union-managed system but switched to a state-run model (e.g., the Netherlands and Norway). Belgium has compulsory unemployment insurance today, but unions are deeply involved. Finland and Sweden maintain voluntary union-run systems – the Gent model – which encourages workers to join unions more often than elsewhere.
Nevertheless, even in Gent countries, unionization has fallen. Belgium shows the largest drop – 13.4%. This decline is partly due to changes in the definition of “worker.”
Women are now better organized than men in Finland, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Spain, and the United Kingdom. However, men remain more unionized in Belgium, Germany, and Austria – though the gender gap is narrowing. In Poland, Switzerland, and Hungary, the gender difference is minimal. These patterns reflect differing industrial structures.
Younger workers (16–30) are less unionized almost everywhere compared to older workers. The 31–50 age group is also less unionized than the 51–65 group in almost all countries. Demographic problems of aging societies may thus be reflected in unionization: unions, like many organizations, must recruit younger cohorts more successfully or face further decline.
In Germany, migrant workers are less unionized than the workforce as a whole (18.1% vs. 12.7%). Similar patterns appear in Belgium, Ireland, Norway, Switzerland, Spain, and the UK. But in Finland, France, the Netherlands, Austria, Poland, Sweden, and Hungary, no such deficit exists.
Part-time workers are generally less unionized than full-time workers: in Germany, 13.9% vs. 17.5%. Only in the Netherlands and Sweden is part-time unionization higher.
Similarly, temporary workers are significantly less unionized than permanent workers across most countries, reflecting ongoing difficulties in organizing “atypical” employees.
Highly qualified workers are more likely to be union members in Germany, Ireland, Norway, Austria, Poland, Switzerland, Spain, Hungary, and the UK. In Germany, 21.6% of highly qualified workers are unionized, compared to 16.3% of medium-qualified and only 8.9% of low-qualified workers. This shows unions’ failure to organize low-qualified workers, who are particularly likely to be in “atypical” employment.
Union density also varies between manufacturing and services. Manufacturing remains more unionized in Belgium, Germany, Finland, and Sweden. In Germany, 21.6% vs. 14.1%. In contrast, services lead in France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, Austria, Poland, Switzerland, Spain, Hungary, and the UK. Differences are small in many countries, except Belgium, Norway, and Sweden, where gaps reach 13% to 19%.
Unionization rises with company size. In Germany, only 6.5% of workers in firms with fewer than nine employees are unionized, compared to 25.3% in firms with 500+ employees.
Women are underrepresented among union members in Germany, Austria, and Poland. In Belgium, Switzerland, and Hungary the deficit is below 2%. In Finland, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Spain, and the UK, women are actually overrepresented – especially in Norway (+9%).
Low-qualified workers have declined as a share of the general workforce but remain underrepresented in unions in Germany, Ireland, Norway, Poland, Switzerland, Spain, and Hungary. They are overrepresented only in Belgium and France. They could benefit greatly from stronger unionization.
Workers with migrant backgrounds are underrepresented in Belgium, Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, Spain, and the UK. In Germany, 27.3% of all workers have a migration background, but only 20.9% of union members do. Sweden is an exception: migrant workers are overrepresented (28.4%).
Young workers (16–30) are underrepresented everywhere. In Germany, they make up 22.1% of all workers but only 14.1% of union members. The gap is largest in France, the Netherlands, Poland, and Spain. Switzerland is the only country nearing proportional representation.
Meanwhile, older workers (51–65) are overrepresented across Europe. In Germany, they account for 34.2% of all workers but 37.3% of union members. As these workers retire, their numbers will not be replaced unless unions attract more young workers.
Overall, unions in Europe face profound challenges. Union density is falling or stagnating at low levels. Many negative trends – also in Germany – are likely to continue. German unionization is 3.6% lower than ten years ago. It remains unclear whether the decline will stabilize, accelerate, or reverse.
Across Europe, unions face six key challenges:
- Job 1: Organizing the Precariat
Unions must address organizing deficits among “atypical” workers, those in small firms, and workers with migrant backgrounds. Even the Ghent countries face these structural problems.
- Job 2: Organizing Part-Time Workers
Temporary and part-time workers remain underrepresented, though they could benefit most from collective bargaining.
- Job 3: Pushing the Positives
To reach “atypical” workers, unions must communicate the advantages of membership more convincingly.
- Job 4: Organizing in Small Workplaces
Recruitment in firms with fewer than ten employees is difficult, and many lack any union presence.
- Job 5: Organizing Migrant Workers
With rising migration and labor-market integration, unions must better organize migrant workers to offset losses elsewhere.
- Job 6: Organizing Young Workers
Adverse demographic trends mean fewer young workers entering the labor market while older workers retire. Without mobilizing younger cohorts, unions will shrink further.
In addition to these six tasks, unions should pay close attention to growing industry sectors to maintain long-term relevance and a sufficient membership base.
Thomas Klikauer has over 1200 publications (including 16 books) and writes regularly for Cross Border Talks ( Europe), Countercurrents (India), and ZNet (USA) on global warming, labor relations, and Germany’s far right.
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