BOOK REVIEW/Roger Bybee

Amoral Elephant Stomps Across the Globe

"We’re in the business of making money for our shareholders. If we have to put jobs and technology in other countries, then we go ahead and do it." — President of McDonnell Douglas operations in China, NY Times, 2/25/1995.

Any display of a quaint notion like national loyalty, much less any show of sentiment toward workers and communities that might check the emigration of capital, would result in any soft-hearted CEO being instantly ejected — minus a golden parachute — from the cockpit of any major global firm.

Even amidst the flag-waving frenzy following Sept. 11, more and more corporations are relocating their headquarters to Bermuda through paper maneuvers in order to hold down their US taxes. The "more advantageous employment for wealth in foreign nations" is the very driving force of the global economy.

Where 19th-century free-trade theorist David Ricardo envisioned exchanges between nations based on "comparative advantage," with investment largely confined to one’s own home nation, the current globalized economy is driven heavily by shifts of resources within corporations across national borders. Strikingly, the US now has some 60% of its international merchandise trade composed of such internal transfers. These "intra-firm transfers" typically involve General Motors US "exporting" unfinished parts to GM de Mexico’s low-wage operations and then "importing" the finished products back into the US for actual sale to a mass consumer market.

The global economy has developed into what William K. Tabb calls "the amoral elephant," an infinitely stronger version of capitalism than anything seen heretofore, a beast seemingly free to roam across the globe, stomping down wages, environmental protections, and any institutions and values that are not market-driven, most particularly democracy itself. Tabb’s depiction of this mammoth in The Amoral Elephant: Globalization and the Struggle for Social Justice in the 21st Century [Monthly Review Press, 2001], is one of the very best in a raft of new books on the global economy.

Tabb argues that global capitalism is now "so large a presence in our lives that we are like the blind men (with their elephant) who each grasp some seeming local truth … And of course those who ride atop the elephant have a different experience of its nature than those who are trod beneath its feat. The elephant itself is amoral."

Now the impersonal workings of the market are acted out on an international level, and often operate like a "wrecking ball," as even billionaire currency-speculator George Soros admits. "The impact of the wrecking ball is to suddenly take away the order that ordinary people depend upon, not as speculators but rather as prisoners of these larger structuring forces," Tabb observes. "The pendulum swings and they find their livelihoods gone, their lives disrupted beyond repair."

The wrecking ball’s impact has been felt both in the South, where international funding institutions have exported rigid free-market structures and the North, where Third World models of wealth distribution have been imported. In the South, supra-national institutions like the World Trade Organization, International Monetary Fund and World Bank have imposed disastrous programs of financial liberalization: the lifting of controls on capital, privatization of vital government functions, removal of subsidies for critical necessities of life, and the re-orientation of their economies as export platforms.

In the North, corporate-driven globalization has translated into sharp constraints on the living standards and political voice of the vast majority of citizens. Governments have undergone a dramatic, epoch-ending shift in function, narrowing their role from Keynesian-style stabilizers of consumer demand and enforcers of a social contract between labor and capital to ever-solicitous servants of a "good business climate." For a lengthy period after WW II, "the state promotion of profit growth and higher living standards co-existed." This strategy of co-existence has largely been jettisoned, with virtually every component of the social safety net under sustained attack

Instead of the longstanding approach pioneered by Henry Ford of building up domestic consumer markets through providing relatively high pay, major corporations and the World Bank, IMF and WTO are now oriented toward holding down the earnings of their workforces — whether still in the US or transplanted overseas — and marketing their products to elite consumers across the globe. In each local setting, capital maintains an extraordinary degree of dominance: workers — whether in Milwaukee or Mexico — are frightened to assert their needs for fear of losing their jobs; public officials — whether local mayors or presidents — are paralyzed with fear by the judgment of the bond market; entire societies are preoccupied with shaping human needs to the demands of global capitalism rather than re-configuring the economy to meet human needs.

But while capital remains supreme at the local level, events in Seattle, Switzerland, Washington, D.C., Genoa, and Quebec City have exposed a vital weakness of a seemingly impenetrable system of power. When the representatives of global capitalism gather to render decisions on the fate of six billion subordinates, they can only do so behind barbed wire, surrounded by Uzi-wielding centurions shielding them from hordes of multi-national protesters.

While the masters of the universe transact their business behind such barriers, it profoundly reinforces the central message of the protesters: the future of humanity is being decided behind closed doors by a tiny elite too petrified by fear and arrogance to engage with the forces of civil society. Ultimately, this perception may deepen into a crisis of legitimacy for the corporate model of globalization.

Roger Bybee is a Milwaukee-based writer and activist. William K. Tabb, The Amoral Elephant: Globalization and the Struggle for Social Justice in the 21st Century, New York: Monthly Review Press, 2001, 224 pages, $18 paper.



ZNetwork is funded solely through the generosity of its readers.

Donate
Donate

I'm teaching in Labor Studies at Penn State and the University of Illinois in on-line classes. I've been continuing with my work as freelance writer, with my immediate aim to complete a book on corporate media coverage of globalization (tentatively titled The Giant Sucking Sound: How Corporate Media Swallowed the Myth of Free Trade.) I write frequently for Z, The Progressive Magazine's on-line site, The Progressive Populist, Madison's Isthmus alternative weekly, and a variety of publications including Yes!, The Progressive, Foreign Policy in Focus, and several websites. I've been writing a blog on labor issues for workinginthesetimes.com, turning out over 300 pieces in the past four years.My work specializes in corporate globalization, labor, and healthcare reform... I've been a progressive activist since the age of about 17, when I became deeply affected by the anti-war and civil rights movements. I entered college at University of Wisconsin Milwaukee just days after watching the Chicago police brutalize anti-war demonstrators at the Democratic Convention of 1968. I was active in a variety of "student power" and anti-war activities, highlighted by the May, 1970 strike after the Nixon's invastion of Cambodia and the massacres at Kent State and Jackson State. My senior year was capped by Nixon's bombing of Haiphong Harbor and the occupation of a university building, all in the same week I needed to finish 5-6 term papers to graduate, which I managed somehow. My wife Carolyn Winter, whom I met in the Wisconsin Alliance, and I have been together since 1975, getting officially married 10/11/81. Carolyn, a native New Yorker, has also been active for social justice since her youth (she attended the famous 1963 Civil Rights march where Dr. King gave his "I have a dream speech"). We have two grown children, Lane (with wife Elaine and 11-year-old grandson Zachary, who introduced poker to his classmates during recess)  living in Chicago and Rachel (who with her husband Michael have the amazing Talia Ruth,5, who can define "surreptitious" for you) living in Asbury Park, NJ. My sister Francie lives down the block from me. I'm a native of the once-heavily unionized industrial city of Racine, Wis. (which right-wingers sneeringly labeled "Little Moscow" during the upheavals of the 1930's), and both my grandfathers were industrial workers and Socialists. On my father's side, my grandfather was fired three times for Socialist or union activity. His family lost their home at one point during the Depression. My mom's father was a long-time member of UAW Local 72 at American Motors, where he worked for more than 30 years. Coming from impoverished families, my parents met through  a very low-cost form of recreation: Racine's Hiking Club.

Leave A Reply

Subscribe

All the latest from Z, directly to your inbox.

Institute for Social and Cultural Communications, Inc. is a 501(c)3 non-profit.

Our EIN# is #22-2959506. Your donation is tax-deductible to the extent allowable by law.

We do not accept funding from advertising or corporate sponsors.  We rely on donors like you to do our work.

ZNetwork: Left News, Analysis, Vision & Strategy

Subscribe

All the latest from Z, directly to your inbox.

No Paywalls. No Billionaires.
Just People Power.

Z Needs Your Help!

ZNetwork reached millions, published 800 originals, and amplified movements worldwide in 2024 – all without ads, paywalls, or corporate funding. Read our annual report here.

Now, we need your support to keep radical, independent media growing in 2025 and beyond. Every donation helps us build vision and strategy for liberation.

Subscribe

Join the Z Community – receive event invites, announcements, a Weekly Digest, and opportunities to engage.

Exit mobile version