Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

The Peoples’ Platform Europe will take place in Vienna from February 14-16, 2025. Under the motto “Reclaim the Initiative”, it aims to bring activists from across Europe into strategic exchange to build a just, free, ecological and peaceful world.

ZNetwork.org editor Alexandria Shaner spoke with Ali Cicek, one of the conference organizers and a member of the Academy of Democratic Modernity, about the key points and objectives of the Peoples’ Platform Europe and about the broader vision of creating an organized and effective counter-force to capitalist modernity.

Can you explain the current political and social situation in Europe that has led to the creation of the Peoples’ Platform Europe?

The end of the Cold War and the geopolitical and geoeconomic interactions caused by the new technological and industrial development revolution, led to the imposition of a ‘unipolar system’ or ‘new world order’ under the hegemony of the USA. The US-centric capitalist system accelerated the policies that had been initiated before and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. These aimed at eliminating popular and revolutionary struggles, especially those of workers, women, students and youth, indigenous peoples’ and national liberation movements, and ecological-environmental struggles. While some of these were pulled into liberalism and thereby neutralized, others were criminalized under the guise of “counter-terrorism”. Under these conditions we entered the 21st century.

Although the unipolar international system under US dominance managed to take control over Western and Eastern Europe for a long time, to manage the Asian economic crisis in the late 1990s, and to partially cope with the global financial crisis of 2007-2008, it also accelerated a serious and antagonistic struggle for hegemony with the global capitalist system. Since the ‘New World Order’ project was built on trade wars, cultural dominance, mutual dependency, international migration, and internal hegemonic competition for a greater share of capital accumulation, the contradictions deepened between the segments on the periphery of the unipolar world system and those who sought their sovereignty.

While European countries, on the one hand, take part in the global hegemony project designed by the USA, on the other hand, they follow a policy of separating themselves from this project and demanding a share in the global system. For years, leading EU representatives have been talking about ‘European strategic autonomy’ and prophesying that the EU will assert its own interests globally with ‘the language of power’. The member states of the EU, in particular Germany and France, are striving for an advantageous position in the emerging multipolar world order through a politically, economically and militarily united union. Membership is growing through admission of new members from the Balkans to the Caucasus. The vision is an EU that is no longer militarily dependent on the USA. It is economically dominant and politically united, securing power and profits for its members that they could never achieve globally on their own. 

Since the early 2000s, many EU countries, led by Germany and France, have pursued a policy of close economic relations with the other two major Eurasian powers, Russia and China. However, in the wake of the Ukraine war, the EU is forced to admit that it still does not have adequate autonomy and power of its own to pursue a self sufficient policy that does not rely on aligning with either party of the conflict, the USA or Russia and China. Consequently, the EU countries – including Germany and France, who claim a leading role in capitalist modernity – are forced to severely restrict their relations with Russia and to initiate something similar with China. For the time being, they must meekly accept their military and economic dependence on the Anglo-Saxon world. This contradictory situation can be described as follows: The European countries are pursuing a policy in which, on the one hand, they take their place within the global hegemony project designed by the USA, but on the other hand, they separate themselves from it and demand their share in the global system. While two of the global powers, the USA and Russia, are in an intense confrontation with each other, the USA is trying to establish a common front against Russia within the framework of an alliance with its European partners. At the same time, there are European countries that do not want to give up their relations with Russia. In the security of the transatlantic alliance, the aim is to develop the EU economically and militarily to such an extent by the end of the decade that the EU will also be able to pursue an autonomous policy of aggressive competition within the framework of the multipolar world order from 2030. The fact that this is already leading to a serious destabilisation of Europe has been obvious since the start of the war in Ukraine. It is therefore questionable whether the EU will be able to overcome its current political instability, economic weakness and military dependence in order to meet the USA, China and Russia on an equal footing in the long term.

Can you explain the conflict between globalist and nation-state forces within the capitalist system? And why institutions like the United Nations, the European Union, and NATO are no longer effective in addressing global challenges? 

A central conflict being fought today in the course of the global crisis is between the powers of capitalist modernity. It is between the globalist forces of capitalism on the one hand and nation-state forces on the other. It is about whether and how the system of capitalist modernity should be renewed. Broadly speaking, the desire to maintain the status quo of the nation-state is in competition with a globalist revision of the existing system.

The inherent structure of the nation state system and the power struggle between them cannot solve the serious social, economic, ecological and political problems caused by capitalist modernity. The main actors and profiteers of the system are also aware of this. Since the 1970s they have been engaged in an intensive search for possibilities of renewal. For some time, globalist forces have been trying to organisationally and paradigmatically transform capitalist modernity – including its three pillars of capitalism, nation-state, and industrialism – in order to overcome the crisis that has been deepening for decades. Although we should not understand the globalist bloc as a homogeneous group of actors, its politics are nevertheless characterised by certain strategic foundations. In our January 2023 brochure, Opportunities and dangers of the third world war, we wrote in detail about this struggle between nationalist and globalist forces for the future of capitalist modernity. 

Parallel to this, the international institutions that the dominant system established especially after the Second World War; the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), NATO, the Council of Europe (CoE), the Arab League, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and many other economic and security institutions are now being used by the system powers against each other, let alone no longer maintaining the system. These platforms have turned into platforms for the balance of power between the ‘great powers’. These institutions, which have become areas where concepts such as human rights, peace, human values, reconciliation, etc. are emptied of their meaning and used against each other, are now in a phase where law and norms no longer operate.

These institutions are not only not functioning but are essentially manifestations of a deadlocked system. According to the 2023 Global Risk Report at the ‘World Economic Forum’ held in Davos in January 2024, issues around energy supply, rising inflation, food supply crisis, large-scale involuntary migration, and security were among the most important crises. Thus, the hegemonic powers of the system have essentially become an ideological-military-intelligence ‘minority’ that dominates the ‘majority’ that rejects their social and ideological logic and political methods. They only maintain control through oppression, manipulation, fear and exploitation.

What are the key challenges facing societies today, according to this analysis?

Social issues deepen the longer the Third World War continues, the origins of which reside in the mentality and politics of capitalist modernity itself. Since the beginning of the war in the early 1990s, people’s awareness of specific global issues has significantly increased. For example, today there are intense discussions about the ecological crisis, international refugee movements, health policies, or the numerous wars in the world. The lack of holism and weak practice of solution seeking and application are highly problematic.

The democratic forces play an important role in this via their criticism and proposals for solutions. Abdullah Öcalan, in his book Sociology of Freedom, deals extensively with twelve social problems that he identifies as the greatest challenges in the 21st century. Through his discussion of these social problems, he simultaneously highlights the extent of the crisis and the urgency for the democratic forces of the world to build an alternative to capitalist modernity.

The increasing militarism is particularly significant at present. What devastating consequences militarism has for society is a globally recognised issue, especially after the devastating world wars of the 20th century. At the same time, since the beginning of the 2000s, in the form of the global `war on terrorism’ and today’s confrontation between the various state actors of the multipolar world, we can observe a steady strengthening of militaristic culture and military armament. After decades of war, large parts of the world, especially the Middle East and many African countries, now lie in ruins. With the start of the war in Ukraine, the people of Europe and Russia are again directly feeling the destructive consequences of militarism.

In the light of this global and European situation we want to bring together social movement, democratic forces to discuss the state of the crisis and how we can develop our own answers to it. For the People’s Platform 2025, we have invited ecological, feminist, democratic movements to gather in Vienna around these questions. The platform’s nine workshops also reflect the thematic priorities and challenges facing societies in Europe. In addition to the question of war and peace, we will address topics such as the increasing fascism, feminization and also genocidal policies of capitalist modernity.

How does the capitalist system contribute to what, in the invitation for the conference, you describe as the “multiple crises of capitalist modernity”, and what role does “green capitalism” play in this?

We see the developments in the 21st century as an expression of an intensification of the systemic crisis. The crisis is clearly recognisable, even if it manifests itself in different ways in different places, in different social groups and in nature. It is no coincidence that crises are occurring in all these areas. For even if their interconnections are sometimes not obvious, what they have in common is that they are an expression of the crisis of capitalist modernity.

In concrete terms, the crisis of capitalist modernity manifests itself as an economic crisis caused by poverty and the exploitation of people and nature. It is an ecological crisis because it is destroying the lives of nature and people, especially indigenous people. As a political crisis, it manifests itself in the lack of representation of people in parliamentary democracy. In the Middle East and elsewhere, the frequency and intensity of wars is increasing, while at the same time the global alienation of people and nature is becoming ever more pronounced: In the form of climate change, but also in the pushing back of an ecological way of life. Furthermore, we see the crisis in the rise of nationalism and right-wing to fascist movements.

In this sense, the Kurdistan Freedom Movement and its thinker Abdullah Öcalan speak of capitalist modernity as a multicidal regime. It is deadly and destructive in many ways. Under the term ‘regime of multicide’ we summarise the phenomena of ecocide, feminicide, epistemicide and sociocide. The destruction of the natural environment most clearly expresses the character of capitalist modernity. The various levels of the multicidal regime cannot be thought of separately from each other. Because the destruction of nature, gender oppression and the division of societies through nationalism and racism actually are all central pillars of capitalist modernity. The mentality with which nature is exploited, measured and divided is the same as that with which society and women are exploited and oppressed. It is the patriarchal mentality of domination and hierarchy. The term epistimicide refers to the role that the established social sciences play in enforcing and maintaining the prevailing conditions, eliminating other forms of knowledge and of seeing the world. This is because the social sciences produce and reproduce thoughts and ways of thinking that characterise social relations, coexistence, our culture and way of life. If we consider the injustice and destruction caused by sexism, racism and capitalism and their legitimation through social science theories and methodology in the last two centuries alone, then the urgency for a radical critique of the current social sciences and the need to build new methods and institutions becomes more than clear. Sociocide, on the other hand, expresses itself in the destruction of all sociality in the system of capitalist modernity.

Wherever the crisis manifests itself, it can also be recognised that the system itself is searching for ways out of the crisis. We see this, for example, in the form of green-labelled capitalism, which cannot overcome its own crisis because it is itself the basis of the crisis. 

What is the purpose of the Peoples’ Platform Europe, and how can it help address current challenges?

The Peoples’ Platform Europe is an ideological and organisational proposal in view of the current state of left forces in Europe. We live in a time when the multiple crises of capitalist modernity are becoming more and more tangible in everyday life. Today, there are a multitude of dynamics that should make it possible for us to expose the true face of capitalist modernity and politicise societies against increasing capitalist exploitation, destruction and inequalities. But why are left-wing, socialist, anarchist, democratic, feminist and ecological movements today unable to convince societies of their ideas and go on the political offensive if they represent a humane and just alternative to capitalism? We obviously need to reflect on and renew our understanding of left-wing, emancipatory politics.

For us, the Peoples’ Platform Europe is an answer to this question. We want to create the space to examine together what the political developments of recent years mean for us and what opportunities and possibilities for changing the world we can recognise. In particular, our respective strategies and tactics, our forms of organisation and our everyday practice should be put to the test. With this broad platform of democratic organisations, we hope to stimulate a collective discussion process in order to find the right answers to the questions of our time. With the help of this, we would like to set the course to emerge from the defensive and reclaim the initiative.

To what extent do you follow the tradition of, or differ from, the large conferences that are mainly anchored in the anti-globalization movement. For example, most recently, the “European Common Space for Alternatives” that attempted to revive the European social forums? 

We see the Peoples’ Platform project as part of the tradition of anti-capitalist movements to create international forums. This is why such groups are expressly invited to take part in the conference in Vienna. These internationalist experiences of left movements are the central source for us to learn from their successes and mistakes. However, the platform also differs from these past experiences of globalisation criticism. Our reflection and critique of these processes form the starting point for the organisation of the platform. In our opinion, many existing forums lack the theoretical foresight and the necessary structures to promote a democratic awakening. We see the inadequacy in ideological and structural terms.

Firstly, we need a clear paradigm and a theoretical framework in order to properly grasp the existing political situation and develop our own independent agenda from capitalist modernity. Only in this way can we understand the fundamental tendencies of the current political phase. Because every political phase has its own dynamics, actors and issues. From our point of view – the democratic forces of this world – it is therefore all the more important to understand the current phase in its own right and at the same time not to lose sight of fundamental historical dynamics. Without this, the left will remain paralysed and powerless in the face of various developments, as we have seen in the wake of the Covid pandemic and the war in Ukraine.

We need a clear ideological view and the development of our own political proposals. Otherwise, capitalist modernity will even be supported by left-wing forces, as we have often seen. On the other hand, in view of the structural problems of left-wing forces, a serious discussion is needed on the question of organisation and activism. We would therefore like to discuss the nine different thematic focuses at the conference primarily in terms of organisation and strategy. In this sense, the platform is not intended to be an abstract, theoretical discourse, but rather practice- and goal-orientated. Therefore, as mentioned above, we have studied the various experiences and experiments of internationalist forums and developed our own methodology. Based on this methodology, the discussions will not be limited to the conference days, but we will try to organise these discussions in advance.

Against this background, we would also like to emphasise that the perspectives of the Kurdish thought leader Abdullah Öcalan and his ideas on democratic modernity and global democratic confederalism form a central reference.

How does the collaboration between the Academy of Democratic Modernity, Women Weaving Future, the Youth Center for Public Relations Ronahî, and other involved organizations support this initiative?

The platform is based on the work of these organisations and networks. As ADM, we can look back on years of networking and educational work. In the course of various conferences, seminars and academies, meetings and diverse exchange formats, a Europe-wide internationalist network has developed. This network forms the basis of the platform. As the Academy of Democratic Modernity, we have organised seminars in various European locations over the past three years. Hundreds of activists have come together there, discussed and developed a collective understanding step by step. The foundations have already been laid at conferences such as ‘The Art of Freedom – Strategies for organising and collective resistance’ in Basel in November 2023.

The platform is also organised in cooperation with various networks and organisations that have already initiated international networking and discussion processes in recent years. Of particular note here is the Women Weaving Future network, which organised an international women’s conference in Berlin in 2022. On the other hand, Youth Writing History, which organised the World Youth Conference in Paris last year. Furthermore, the Network for an Alternative Quest, which has organized several international conferences at the University of Hamburg in recent years, is a co-supporter of our platform.

These ongoing processes and many others form the basis and preliminary work of the Peoples’ Platform Europe.

Can you elaborate on the participatory structure of the conference? And can you give an idea of what the program will be like?  

In February, we are expecting participants from almost all European countries. The spectrum is diverse. From left-wing, socialist organisations to feminist, ecological and cultural groups and campaigns. We are expecting members of trade unions, left-wing academic collectives, various diaspora groups and activists from different solidarity groups. We are especially looking forward to participants from groups actively working on social organising as well as building democratic media.

The conference programme is designed to be as interactive as possible, giving participants the opportunity to take an active part in the discussions. Therefore, the workshop sessions and the feedback of the respective group discussions in the large assembly form the essence of the programme. It will mainly be the activists who will speak in the workshops according to their experiences and it will also be the activists who will present these discussions.

Apart from that, we have planned a panel discussion for the start of the platform on 14 January, where four speakers will talk on different topics about the crisis of global capitalism and challenges for popular resistance from below. The speakers will be Silvia Federici, Mireille Fanon, William I. Robinson and John Holloway. It will be possible to follow this panel via livestream.

What do you hope to achieve through the conference in Vienna this February?  

The platform represents an important step in an internationalist process. In recent years, important spaces have already been created to coordinate struggles and develop joint analyses. In February we want to bring all these circles together and take a qualitative step forward. We think that such a gathering of hundreds of activists from dozens of different countries will show us the immense potential of left forces when they work collectively on ideological perspectives and organisational issues. However, the Peoples’ Platform Europe is also a longer-term project. It is the starting point for revitalising internationalism in the 21st century in practical terms. Therefore, further activities will naturally follow the platform in order to deepen the discussions and reclaim the initiative step by step.


ZNetwork is funded solely through the generosity of its readers.

Donate
Donate

Originally from the US, Alexandria has lived most of her life in the Caribbean, as well as in Egypt and Central America. A sailor, writer, organizer, and street medic, she has been involved in community organizing, media, and education for over 20 years. Alexandria is currently a staff member of ZNetwork.org and a writer for Extinction Rebellion. She is also active with Caracol DSA: the Degrowth Ecosocialist Caucus and the Women's Rights and Empowerment Network. Her work has appeared on ZNet, Common Dreams, Foreign Policy in Focus, CounterPunch, LA Progressive, Waging Nonviolence, Antiwar.com, The African, The Socialist Project, mέtaCPC, DiEM25, PeaceNews, Popular Resistance, Resilience, Grassroots Economic Organizing, Shareable, Dissident Voice, and various other outlets.

Leave A Reply Cancel Reply

Subscribe

All the latest from Z, directly to your inbox.

Institute for Social and Cultural Communications, Inc. is a 501(c)3 non-profit.

Our EIN# is #22-2959506. Your donation is tax-deductible to the extent allowable by law.

We do not accept funding from advertising or corporate sponsors.  We rely on donors like you to do our work.

ZNetwork: Left News, Analysis, Vision & Strategy

Subscribe

All the latest from Z, directly to your inbox.

Subscribe

Join the Z Community – receive event invites, announcements, a Weekly Digest, and opportunities to engage.

Exit mobile version