EduShyster: I’ve heard you described as “bellicose,”  ”unapologetically adversarial,” a “firebrand,” and “alarming.” Which of these would you say best describes you?

Barbara Madeloni: Aren’t you forgetting “shrill”? One of the narratives about my victory is that I accessed anger at the rank-and-file level. That’s true, but I also tried to hold up a more positive vision for re-engaging the world. We’re not helpless. We’re not hopeless. We can work together to change things. We can do something. That said, I think we are at a critical moment in history for public education in this country. If we don’t fight, we’re going to lose everything. We’re done.

EduShyster: That’s what a lot of people have been saying about teachers unions in the wake of the recent Vergara decision in California—that they’re done. You don’t appear to have gotten that memo.

Madeloni: This is a critical moment in our history and we have to protect public education or we’re going to lose it. There’s an incredible sea change that’s coming from the rank and file in teachers unions, not just in Massachusetts but across the country. Teachers understand what’s happening. They have a much better analysis than they had even a year ago. They’re moving past “I just have a bad principal,” or “I just have a bad superintendent” and seeing the larger picture. So now what are we going to do about it?

EduShyster: I’ll bite. What are we going to do about it?

Madeloni: I think fighting is winning. In a union where members are truly engaged and active, we’re talking to one another about what’s happening, informing each other and making decisions about how we can fight back. The degree to which we’ve been told that our members are unwilling to be active is astonishing to me. If you alienate the membership by continually telling them that things are bad but they could be worse, so we’re going to get behind the bad thing, of course people aren’t going to be active. If we say to members—”We can be powerful. We can use our power. It’s going to be scary. It’s going to be hard. But history shows that we can do this,”—the reaction is completely different because you’re talking about things that really matter to them. And by the way, our members understand that the attacks on them and on public education are coming from both political parties.

EduShyster: You were quoted in the Boston Globe as saying that it’s time to wrest the education debate away from “rich white men who are deciding the course of public education for black and brown children.” A self-proclaimed rich white man wrote a letter in response complaining that you are a bigot. The obvious question here is: what do you have against rich white men?

Madeloni: I keep coming back to a different question, and one that has to be asked really directly. Why are children of the elites having a qualitatively different education than children who are black, brown and poor? The only answer I can come up with is that we don’t value these children as much as we do the children of elites. I haven’t heard a better answer.

EduShyster: The answer I hear floating around a lot these days is that our high-poverty schools have to have a relentless focus on the basics—math and English. The whole child is out, academic rigor is in. Presumably students in these schools can access that rich curriculum at some unspecified point down the road, like when they get to college.

Madeloni: That’s not how it works. What works is you start with a rich curriculum. You have lots of resources. You have libraries and arts and music. You have a playground. And then kids learn how to learn how to read within that context and from teachers who have the time and the resources to build meaningful relationships. That’s how you learn to read. You learn how to read in a relationship with other people. Our overwhelming focus on raising test scores denies the importance of those human relationships. It denies the human reality of kids’ lives, of teachers’ lives and of their communities. After spending seven hours recently at a hearing on turnaround schools, I came up with a name for this particular approach. I call it “bureaucratic cruelty.”

EduShyster: Pretend for a minute that I’m the Massachusetts Commissioner of Education, Mitchell D. Chester. You have my ear but there’s only enough time for you to say one word. What would it be?

Madeloni: “Democracy.” I want to know how it’s possible to believe that on the one hand our public schools are a foundation of our democracy and on the other hand have a system in which so much authority is centralized in one office, in one person.That centralization of authority, particulary with regards to our urban schools, is profound. It works down from the top, all the way down to moments of decision making by teachers in their classrooms and impacting the relationships that teachers have with their students. There was a time 10 years ago when you could sort of push that away and carve out some space to do the work that mattered. That space is so narrow now. And if you’re a teacher who speaks out, that space is going to disappear.

EduShyster: The debate over the best way to prepare teachers looks to be the next terrain in the education reform wars. This is a fight that you know well. In fact, that’s how I first heard of you, in a story in the New York Times about your battle with Pearson.

Madeloni: Two years ago students at UMass Amherst were told they had to participate in a new assessment of teacher readiness being developed by Stanford University and Pearson. The students with whom I was working didn’t want to submit videos of themselves teaching to Pearson. They didn’t want their work as student teachers to be reduced to a number on a rubric by people who didn’t know them, and 67 of 68 students ultimately refused to send their work. I knew that this was part of a national push to standardized teacher education and the high stakes measurement of that, and so I called the New York Times because I knew this was a story that had to be told. Ten days after the story appeared I received my walking papers from UMass. I’d been asking myself for a long time what it meant to do work that I really valued in a system that was making it harder and harder to do that work. I came to understand that this was a place where I had to take a stand. That’s a question, by the way, that teachers are asking themselves all the time.

EduShyster: Since you’re a former high school English teacher, I would be remiss if I didn’t wrap up with an SAT vocabulary question. No doubt you’re aware that the old, obscure vocabulary is no more, replaced by so-called “high utility” words with multiple meanings and, ideally, a STEM application. What’s your favorite “high utility” word?

Madeloni: Well, “revolution” has a STEM application. It’s not currently being used enough in the other senses of the word. We may have to reverse engineer its high utility.

 

Barbara Madeloni is Education Coordinator at Labor Notes and a former president of the Massachusetts Teachers Association.


ZNetwork is funded solely through the generosity of its readers.

Donate
Donate
Leave A Reply

Subscribe

All the latest from Z, directly to your inbox.

Institute for Social and Cultural Communications, Inc. is a 501(c)3 non-profit.

Our EIN# is #22-2959506. Your donation is tax-deductible to the extent allowable by law.

We do not accept funding from advertising or corporate sponsors.  We rely on donors like you to do our work.

ZNetwork: Left News, Analysis, Vision & Strategy

Subscribe

All the latest from Z, directly to your inbox.

THE WIND CRIES FREEDOM

The Wind Cries Freedom, the new book from Z co-founder Michael Albert, is a sweeping oral history of a future American revolution.

Through thirty interconnected chapters, it draws out the strategies, failures, turning points, and hard-won wisdom of a movement that called itself the Revolutionary Participatory Society. These are not the polished memoirs of politicians: they are the unfiltered accounts of people who organized in neighborhoods, hospitals, universities, stadiums, courthouses, and places of worship, and kept a shared vision alive through cynicism and exhaustion.

The result is speculative political fiction that reads like history: messy, human, and quietly hopeful in the way that only real experience and long thought can produce.

Get your copy and peruse more features on the book’s website below.

“Read it, argue with it, but don’t look away. The future it recalls is one we must still fight to deserve.”

Yanis Varoufakis

“The most unusual and intriguing combination of prophecy, manifesto, and movement building manual that I have ever encountered.”

Bill Fletcher Junior

“This work fills a huge gap in our social movement literature.”

Cynthia Peters

You've just read your article on Z this month.

DOES Z'S SURVIVAL MATTER?

You keep coming back for a reason: serious political analysis, movement reporting, and debate beyond the priorities of corporate media. Today, Z is in a precarious financial position. If Z is part of how you understand the world, help keep it going. The readers who give monthly are the reason this work survives between fundraisers.

Z is in a precarious financial position. If it’s part of how you understand the world, help keep it going.

Number of donors712
Our goal1,000

Sustainers at $9/month or more receive the digital Z Magazine.

Already a sustainer? Click here and we won’t ask again. Thank you!

Your reading count is stored only in your browser and is never sent to us.

Sound is muted by default.  Tap 🔊 for the full experience

CRITICAL ACTION

Critical Action is a longtime friend of Z and a music and storytelling project grounded in liberation, solidarity, and resistance to authoritarian power. Through music, narrative, and multimedia, the project engages the same political realities and movement traditions that guide and motivate Z’s work.

If this project resonates with you, you can learn more about it and find ways to support the work using the link below.

Z is in the most precarious financial position in its history.

Z is a place to think beyond the limits of the present.

For decades, Z has brought together political analysis, movement reporting, debate, and visions of a different future from writers and activists around the world. That work is more than journalism. It is movement infrastructure: movements need places to develop ideas, test arguments, learn from experience, and imagine what comes next.

In the first two days of this fundraiser, 19 donors and 8 new monthly sustainers stepped up. Help us reach 1,000 donors who keep Z independent, for everyone.

For decades, Z has published the analysis, debate, and visions movements need, free of paywalls, ads, and billionaire owners. If that work should continue, Z needs your support now.

Number of donors712
Our goal1,000

Sustainers at $9/month or more receive the digital Z Magazine.

Subscribe

Join the Z Community – receive event invites, announcements, a Weekly Digest, and opportunities to engage.

Exit mobile version