Fighting the trial lawyer ‘elite’: How Right

spreads its message against civil justice

 

by Roger Bybee

Thomas Jefferson declared in 1788: “I consider the trial by jury as the only anchor ever yet imagined by man by which a government can be held to the principles of its constitution.”

Two centuries later, Jefferson the democrat remains revered. Yet Jefferson’s valued  “anchor” of democracy is being repudiated widely in the present public discourse.

The civil justice system is incessantly disparaged—from the “Lawsuit Hell” Newsweek cover story[1] to right-wing talk shows and websites proliferating stories of mythical “jackpot” settlements—as a millstone weighing down society. In the current era, the Jeffersonian principle of democratic accountability for all members through the civil justice system has become an intolerable burden in the eyes of significant and influential sectors of corporate America.

Applying meaningful standards of accountability to corporate conduct is viewed not as a  anchor of democracy, but an insufferable weight dragging down the creation of wealth. Much of Corporate America wants to decisively snap the chain binding America to the civil justice system, letting the anchor of democratic accountability drop to a watery grave, and allowing the ship of enterprise to sail forth unimpeded.

Moreover, these corporate leaders have developed a systematic, long-term communications  effort aimed at sowing contempt for civil justice across America’s class divide, so that the very people most dependent on the tort system become convinced that it is “out of control” and harming citizens like themselves.  Along with propagating the notion that “frivolous lawsuits” are a significant problem, tort “reformers” have even vilified “activist groups and plaintiffs attorneys” as de facto allies of “suspected terrorists and foreign enemies.” [2]

The pervasiveness and unceasing drumbeat of the anti-civil justice perspective is no accident. The civil justice system has come under a systematic, multi-dimensional assault spearheaded by right-wing foundations such as the Wisconsin-based Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation. The scope of this attack is truly breathtaking, aimed at fundamental elements of democratic rule: re-shaping public opinion on legislation and regulation of big business;  predisposing jurors to view plaintiffs as pursuing meritless, “frivolous” lawsuits; radically shifting  the composition of the courts, and ultimately weakening if not eliminating long-standing protections for the basic rights of consumers and workers.  Author Michael Scherer has estimated that the staggering sum of roughly $100 million is spent annually to promote this campaign.[3] 

Propaganda lays foundation

The heart of the campaign against civil justice is an expansive communications effort that can be accurately labeled a classic “propaganda” campaign. Propaganda was concisely defined by Australian scholar Alex Carey as

“communications where the form and content is selected with the single-minded purpose of bringing some target audience to adopt attitudes and beliefs chosen in advance by the sponsors of the communication[4]

The anti=civil justice communications campaign measures up to this definition quite precisely. The attempt to induce adoption of pre-selected attitudes and beliefs is exactly the method of the tort “reformers.” If the anti-civil justice movement openly presented their cause as seeking immunity for corporations like Philip Morris and Enron that callously wrought suffering on ordinary citizens, little sympathy would be elicited outside corporate suites. Recognizing this, the anti-civil justice movement has carefully  re-packaged itself as standing up against an “elite” of trial lawyers profiting from “frivolous” lawsuits at society’s expense.


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I'm teaching in Labor Studies at Penn State and the University of Illinois in on-line classes. I've been continuing with my work as freelance writer, with my immediate aim to complete a book on corporate media coverage of globalization (tentatively titled The Giant Sucking Sound: How Corporate Media Swallowed the Myth of Free Trade.) I write frequently for Z, The Progressive Magazine's on-line site, The Progressive Populist, Madison's Isthmus alternative weekly, and a variety of publications including Yes!, The Progressive, Foreign Policy in Focus, and several websites. I've been writing a blog on labor issues for workinginthesetimes.com, turning out over 300 pieces in the past four years.My work specializes in corporate globalization, labor, and healthcare reform... I've been a progressive activist since the age of about 17, when I became deeply affected by the anti-war and civil rights movements. I entered college at University of Wisconsin Milwaukee just days after watching the Chicago police brutalize anti-war demonstrators at the Democratic Convention of 1968. I was active in a variety of "student power" and anti-war activities, highlighted by the May, 1970 strike after the Nixon's invastion of Cambodia and the massacres at Kent State and Jackson State. My senior year was capped by Nixon's bombing of Haiphong Harbor and the occupation of a university building, all in the same week I needed to finish 5-6 term papers to graduate, which I managed somehow. My wife Carolyn Winter, whom I met in the Wisconsin Alliance, and I have been together since 1975, getting officially married 10/11/81. Carolyn, a native New Yorker, has also been active for social justice since her youth (she attended the famous 1963 Civil Rights march where Dr. King gave his "I have a dream speech"). We have two grown children, Lane (with wife Elaine and 11-year-old grandson Zachary, who introduced poker to his classmates during recess)  living in Chicago and Rachel (who with her husband Michael have the amazing Talia Ruth,5, who can define "surreptitious" for you) living in Asbury Park, NJ. My sister Francie lives down the block from me. I'm a native of the once-heavily unionized industrial city of Racine, Wis. (which right-wingers sneeringly labeled "Little Moscow" during the upheavals of the 1930's), and both my grandfathers were industrial workers and Socialists. On my father's side, my grandfather was fired three times for Socialist or union activity. His family lost their home at one point during the Depression. My mom's father was a long-time member of UAW Local 72 at American Motors, where he worked for more than 30 years. Coming from impoverished families, my parents met through  a very low-cost form of recreation: Racine's Hiking Club.

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