Syllogism: an argument containing two premises from which a conclusion is derived; i.e.: “The United States maintains an economic blockade on Cuba; such blockade influences all aspects of life in Cuba.” Besides the propositional context…, what valid conclusion is obtained from both premises? In school, we learned that a syllogism constitutes a tautology because its conclusions are rigorous.

There are two categories of syllogism: hypothetical and disjunctive. Hypothetical: “if Cuba submits, the revolution dies. Cuba submitted; therefore the revolution died”. A disjunctive syllogism contains a major argument sustained by a major premise: “if Cuba submits, the revolution betrays its principles and dies.” It also contains a minor premise which either affirms or denies the disjunctive: “it hasn’t betrayed them, therefore it hasn’t died”.

We also learned what a dilemma means: an ambiguous proposition that contains two axioms and two premises, which function is to combine the hypothetical and the disjunctive arguments; i.e.: “Socialism without democracy is not socialism. Cuba is socialist, but not democratic; therefore, Cuba is neither socialist nor democratic”. Aristotle, however, cautioned that a dilemma must be demonstrated.

Interesting? It depends. If we rationalize like a feverish desert-dweller stranded in the arctic, the tedious task of discerning reality and falsehood is therewith exonerated. Of course there would not be a dilemma, but rather a self-inflicted hallucination. Therapy recommends cross-referencing, examining sources and a small polycosanol pill (PPG), daily which Cuban health officials prescribe to adults and the elderly suffering of hypercholesterolemia, regardless of ideology.

Those on the left who don’t take PPG, reckon the levels of freedom and democracy in Cuba discriminating the social achievements from the injuries exerted by the embargo. In the field of Information Science, for instance, such achievements would remain at the margin of the contravention against the stipulations of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) that the United States performs in order to provoke internal subversion. Therefore, Cuba cannot export or resell the software produced within its borders, but rather it must purchase licenses, updates and technological transfers through third party countries, with the subsequent increase in prices and delays.

The Helms-Burton Act of 1996 upset the creation of a partnership which would produce fiber optics, coaxial and data transmission cables. In 2003, the Department of Commerce denied an export license to a California agency wishing to donate 423 computers to hospitals and clinics in the island. The Cuban internet connection lacks the adequate bandwidth to satisfy national demand. The blockade forces the use of expensive, slow bandwidth and satellite transmissions, easily avoided if a fiber optics cable ran between Cuba and Florida.

To what valid premise obeys the omission of such prohibitions? Is there a dilemma between “free speech” (ambiguous proposition) and the premises and axioms regarding egregious losses which U.S. imperialism occasions Cuba in the areas of basic and wireless telephony, electronic commerce, electronic mail and internet access?

“Communication, information and education are now available to everybody and anybody who can afford a computer and an internet account”. The person who wrote this lives in Nicaragua, a country where a scarce 0.04 percent has internet access. With a population of 11 million, there are 480,000 users in Cuba (4.3 percent), according to the ITU. There’s a similar percentage in Mexico (4.6) and in Russia (4.2). In the Summit of the Information Society (sic), an African delegate said: What are we talking about? In my country we have 0.16 telephones for each 100 people!

Notwithstanding the cost of international connectivity, Cuba uses the internet in a rational, creative and orderly manner. Instead of prioritizing the residential and corporate markets (an endeavor which belongs to telecommunication companies and international providers), the most dynamic development of Cuban Information is dedicated to social, cultural, educational and health issues. Every kid and youth in the country has access to computers, even the elderly and children in daycare.

Yet, a marxist in slippers dares to scold the Cuban government for implementing mechanisms which guarantee that the users pay. On the other hand, I would admit that using the internet to copy music and refuse to pay constitutes piracy; it would also be illegal that a person working at an office or a university used the internet for personal gain. But when Cubans sell internet accounts in the black market, stealing them from the government, it constitutes freedom. Isn’t everything supposed to be free in a socialist and democratic revolution?

Translated by Miguel Alvarado

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