It began nearly a year ago with tax day protests, as thousands rallied in cities across the country. It continued into the summer with raucous town hall meetings and gun-toting anti-Obama demonstrators. It reached its apex with a September 12 march on Washington, which drew nearly 100,000 participants. Now, some in the tea party movement are turning their attention to becoming a force in the 2010 congressional elections.

Reports on the September 12 event pointed out that it was a nearly all-white crowd with some demonstrators carrying an assortment of anti-Barack Obama "homemade" posters, such as: "The Anti-Christ is Living in the White House" and "Oppressive Bloodsucking Arrogant Muslim Alien."

Is there a future for the movement? A Rasmussen Reports poll suggests that there very well might be. In a three-way congressional generic ballot test survey between a Democrat, Republican, and tea party candidate, Democrats attracted 36 percent of the vote, the tea party candidate received 23 percent, and the Republican finished third at 18 percent (with 22 percent undecided). The Rasmussen Reports website did point out that survey "respondents were asked to assume that the tea party movement organized as a new political party. In practical terms, it is unlikely that a true third-party option would perform as well as the polling data indicates."

Interestingly, in an effort to build the movement, some tea party organizers have taken to "studying the grassroots training methods of the late Saul Alinsky, the community organizer known for campus protests in the 1960s who inspired the structure of [Barack] Obama’s presidential campaign," the San Francisco Chronicle reported. They are also using Tea Party: The Documentary Film as an organizing tool.

 
There is one issue, however, that could stymie the movement’s growth: race. Tea party events have become a safe haven for people carrying racist anti-Obama signs, so people of color have stayed away in droves. In addition, members of white nationalist organizations have openly participated in tea party events and view the movement as fertile recruiting ground. Questions about the overlap between tea partiers and anti-immigration activists may be answered if and when an immigration reform bill is taken up this year.

Are the openly-racist elements within the tea party movement an aberration scorned by most tea party participants as many in the movement insist? Or are they more firmly entrenched than tea partiers would care to admit? For the past 17 years, Devin Burghart has researched and written on virtually all facets of contemporary white nationalism. Currently the vice president of the Institute for Research & Education on Human Rights, an organization monitoring and writing about the activities of white nationalist groups, Burghart told me, "The tea parties themselves are made up of a diverse bloc of different political elements, and white nationalists have chosen to make a stand inside the tea parties…."

Not only have "tea partiers turned up with overtly racist signs and slogans," at rallies "from coast to coast," he said, many participants also "cling to the belief that our first African-American president…was not even born in the country." Unfortunately, Burghart noted, "There’s little evidence to indicate that tea party leaders are doing anything to address the racism in their ranks."

In an article at the Institute for Research and Education on Human Rights’ website, Leonard Zeskind, the organization’s president and the author of Blood and Politics: The History of White Nationalism from the Margins to the Mainstream, pointed out that the anti-Obama opposition contains "many different political elements: ultra-conservative Republicans of both the Pat Buchanan and free market variety; anti-tax tea party libertarians from the Ron Paul camp; Christian right activists intent on re-molding the country into their kind of Kingdom; birth certificate conspiracy theorists; anti-immigrant nativists of the armed Minuteman and the policy wonk variety; third party ‘constitutionalists’; and white nationalists of both the citizens councils and the Stormfront national socialist variety."

If tea party activists can ferret out racists and white nationalists from its ranks—and not become a mouthpiece for Christian Right ideologues—they could become a much stronger force on the American political landscape. Meanwhile, a host of groups operating under assorted tea party banners have set their sites on the 2010 mid-term elections.

Z


Bill Berkowitz is a freelance writer covering conservative movements.

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Bill Berkowitz has been tracking and monitoring conservative political and social movements in the United States for the past twenty-five-plus years. In 1977,  after working as an organizer with for the United Farmworkers of America (UFW), and as the first Promotion Director for the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA), he helped found the DataCenter, a research library and information center for social activists and investigative journalists located in Oakland, California.Born and raised in New York City, Berkowitz holds a degree in English from the University of Kansas, located in Lawrence, Kansas. During the Vietnam War he co-founded Reconstruction (later named Vortex), the first alternative newspaper in Kansas.During his twenty-four years at the DataCenter Berkowitz focused on religious and secular right wing movements and U.S. military involvement in Latin America and the Middle East, helping put together a series of Press Profiles (collections of the “best of the press”) on such topics as the Reagan Administration’s policies in Central America, the Right-to-Know, and the growth of the New Right in the U.S. During the Persian Gulf War he edited a three-volume series of Persian Gulf Readers.In 1994, Berkowitz became founding editor of DataCenter’s CultureWatch newsletter, which was one of the first national publications systematically tracking the conservative movement from the mid-1990s through the 2000 presidential election.Shortly after leaving the DataCenter in 2000, he was the author of “Prospecting Among the Poor: Welfare Privatization,” an examination of the results of the Clinton Administration’s Welfare Reform legislation.Over the past seven years, Berkowitz has written more than 600 articles and columns for such venues as Z Magazine, Inter Press Service, Media Transparency, Talk2Action, Dissident Voice, Working Assets’ WorkingForChange, In These Times, The Progressive, The Nation and others.He has also appeared on a number of radio programs.In 2005, Berkowitz was given the Journalism Award by the Before Columbus Foundation. In his introduction to the award, playwright and author Ishmael Reed described him as “the Paul Revere of the American left whose job has been to get the left out of Starbucks and self-realization retreats and to awaken progressives, liberals, and everybody-to-the-left-of-center to the personalities and institutions behind what might be the most dangerous drift toward Fascism in our country’s history.”

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