On November 7th at a demonstration commemorating an anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution, there was a group of radical kids from AKM – Vanguard of Red Youth, Russian equivalent of Western black Bloc. They were surrounded by the police an strictly controlled. To express their anger young radical started shouting: “We will turn Moscow into Paris!”

Two years ago who could even imagine that this would be a threat!

For more than two weeks now, France has been rocked by street violence and arson. Riots gradually diminish, but not racist hysteria of Russian press. For more than two weeks, Russian commentators have held forth about the “Muslim factor” and “ethnic conflicts.”

It’s easier to spout cliches than to figure out what’s really happening, of course. But if our talking heads had taken the time to watch the television news more attentively, they would have realized that at least a third of the rampaging youths in France are not Arabs but the children of black African immigrants. And if a few of these wise men and women had bothered to stray from the usual tourist spots or to talk with the locals on their trips to Paris, they would have discovered that the Arab teenagers living in the working-class suburbs not only speak no language other than French, but they also have no clue about Islam. This is doubly true of young French blacks.

It goes without saying that there are plenty of orthodox Muslims in France who observe Ramadan, never let alcohol pass their lips and forbid their daughters from appearing in public with their heads uncovered. But these people have absolutely nothing to do with the current unrest. Conservative French Muslims keep their distance from the rest of society. They do not allow their children to adopt depraved local mores and attempt to shield them from contact with Christians. Such orthodox Muslims present no problem for the authorities. Like any other conservative community, they seek to avoid contact with the outside world. By attempting to bar Muslim girls from attending school in headscarves, the authorities did much to provoke a conflict, but this is another matter. There is a big difference between the complaints of religious conservatives and teenagers rioting in the streets. Russian analysts love a good conspiracy theory. It is generally assumed that someone has instigated, ordered and/or bankrolled every major crisis that comes along. Strangely enough, however, they didn’t take this line with regard to the events in France, although The International Herald Tribune noted on Nov. 3 that “like everything else that happens in France these days, the rioting has become embroiled in the political succession war between the prime minister, Dominique de Villepin, and the interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy, both of whom canceled foreign trips to deal with the crisis.” The riots have proven disastrous for the prime minister, while they have given Sarkozy grounds for demanding additional powers. This may explain the strange ineffectiveness of the police during the early days of the uprising.

In fact, the causes of the crisis must be sought not in the areas of religion, culture or backroom political maneuvering. Around 150 years ago Europe was shaken by riots very similar to those we’re seeing today. In France the unrest occurred in the very same suburbs, the same streets. No cars were torched back then because they didn’t yet exist, of course. And police, not yet constrained by any concern for humane conduct, opened fire on the unruly crowds without much warning.

Fashionable sociologists have long been discussing the “disappearance of the proletariat” in Western countries. What they seem not to have noticed is that the proletariat has returned to these countries in its original form and has inhabited the same depressed suburbs in which the current middle class began its rise up the social ladder. Just like the proletariat of the mid-19th century, today’s working poor have few rights, no native country and nothing to lose but their chains. This huge group of people doomed to labor in low-paying jobs when they can find work at all are naturally not distinguished by any particular loyalty to the state or respect for the law.

Benjamin Disraeli described the rich and the poor as two separate nations. Today, this is quite literally true, since the proletariat and the bourgeoisie generally belong to different ethnic groups. As a result, liberal society can close its eyes to social conflict by attributing all of the problems that arise to religious and cultural differences and the difficulties of assimilation. No one wants to see that the teenagers in the streets of France today are fully assimilated. They have broken with their cultural and religious roots and become part of European society, but they have not gained equal rights, and this is why they are rioting.

A shift in social policy to the left or the right will change nothing at this point. The only way to solve the problems of the proletariat is to change society, a point made more than a century ago by an immigrant living in London: Karl Marx.

Boris Kagarlitsky is director of the Institute for Globalization Studies.

Boris Yulyevich Kagarlitsky (born 29 August 1958) is a Russian Marxist theoretician and sociologist who has been a political dissident in the Soviet Union. He is coordinator of the Transnational Institute Global Crisis project and Director of the Institute of Globalization and Social Movements (IGSO) in Moscow. Kagarlisky hosts a YouTube channel Rabkor, associated with his online newspaper of the same name and with IGSO.

Donate
Leave A Reply

Subscribe

All the latest from Z, directly to your inbox.

Institute for Social and Cultural Communications, Inc. is a 501(c)3 non-profit.

Our EIN# is #22-2959506. Your donation is tax-deductible to the extent allowable by law.

We do not accept funding from advertising or corporate sponsors.  We rely on donors like you to do our work.

ZNetwork: Left News, Analysis, Vision & Strategy

Subscribe

All the latest from Z, directly to your inbox.

THE WIND CRIES FREEDOM

The Wind Cries Freedom, the new book from Z co-founder Michael Albert, is a sweeping oral history of a future American revolution.

Through thirty interconnected chapters, it draws out the strategies, failures, turning points, and hard-won wisdom of a movement that called itself the Revolutionary Participatory Society. These are not the polished memoirs of politicians: they are the unfiltered accounts of people who organized in neighborhoods, hospitals, universities, stadiums, courthouses, and places of worship, and kept a shared vision alive through cynicism and exhaustion.

The result is speculative political fiction that reads like history: messy, human, and quietly hopeful in the way that only real experience and long thought can produce.

Get your copy and peruse more features on the book’s website below.

“Read it, argue with it, but don’t look away. The future it recalls is one we must still fight to deserve.”

Yanis Varoufakis

“The most unusual and intriguing combination of prophecy, manifesto, and movement building manual that I have ever encountered.”

Bill Fletcher Junior

“This work fills a huge gap in our social movement literature.”

Cynthia Peters

You've just read your article on Z this month.

DOES Z'S SURVIVAL MATTER?

You keep coming back for a reason: serious political analysis, movement reporting, and debate beyond the priorities of corporate media. Today, Z is in a precarious financial position. If Z is part of how you understand the world, help keep it going. The readers who give monthly are the reason this work survives between fundraisers.

Z is in a precarious financial position. If it’s part of how you understand the world, help keep it going.

Number of donors718
Our goal1,000

Sustainers at $9/month or more receive the digital Z Magazine.

Already a sustainer? Click here and we won’t ask again. Thank you!

Your reading count is stored only in your browser and is never sent to us.

Sound is muted by default.  Tap 🔊 for the full experience

CRITICAL ACTION

Critical Action is a longtime friend of Z and a music and storytelling project grounded in liberation, solidarity, and resistance to authoritarian power. Through music, narrative, and multimedia, the project engages the same political realities and movement traditions that guide and motivate Z’s work.

If this project resonates with you, you can learn more about it and find ways to support the work using the link below.

Z is in the most precarious financial position in its history.

Z is a place to think beyond the limits of the present.

For decades, Z has brought together political analysis, movement reporting, debate, and visions of a different future from writers and activists around the world. That work is more than journalism. It is movement infrastructure: movements need places to develop ideas, test arguments, learn from experience, and imagine what comes next.

In the first two days of this fundraiser, 19 donors and 8 new monthly sustainers stepped up. Help us reach 1,000 donors who keep Z independent, for everyone.

For decades, Z has published the analysis, debate, and visions movements need, free of paywalls, ads, and billionaire owners. If that work should continue, Z needs your support now.

Number of donors718
Our goal1,000

Sustainers at $9/month or more receive the digital Z Magazine.

Subscribe

Join the Z Community – receive event invites, announcements, a Weekly Digest, and opportunities to engage.

Exit mobile version