Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu commandeered the country’s airwaves last week in what many assumed would prove a moment of profound national import. They could not have been more wrong.
ສະພາບການດັ່ງກ່າວແມ່ນການຕັດສິນໃຈຂອງລາວໃນເດືອນແລ້ວນີ້ເພື່ອກ້າວໄປສູ່ການເລືອກຕັ້ງທົ່ວໄປໃນເດືອນເມສາ, ເຫັນໄດ້ຢ່າງກວ້າງຂວາງວ່າເປັນຄວາມພະຍາຍາມທີ່ຈະຫັນການລົງຄະແນນສຽງໄປສູ່ການລົງປະຊາມະຕິກ່ຽວກັບຄວາມບໍລິສຸດຂອງລາວໃນຂະນະທີ່ການສືບສວນການສໍ້ລາດບັງຫຼວງທີ່ມີມາແຕ່ດົນນານໃກ້ເຂົ້າມາ.
The police have recommended that he be charged over three separate allegations of bribery. By calling the election, Netanyahu has forced the attorney-general, Avichai Mendelblit, onto unfamiliar – and constitutionally tricky – terrain.
Mendelblit, an appointee of Netanyahu’s, has indicated that he will make a decision on whether to issue an indictment before the ballot, so that voters have the facts to make an informed choice.
But Netanyahu has said he won’t drop out or resign, even if indicted, and there is no decisive precedent to suggest he must.
Instead, he would prefer to bully the attorney-general into delaying a decision until after voters have spoken. That was the purpose of his unexpected live national TV address.
His supporters have already set the stage, claiming that an indictment mid-campaign would influence the outcome and usurp the will of the people.
Either way, Netanyahu hopes to benefit. If an indictment is served before the vote, it will rile up his base and bolster a carefully crafted narrative that he faces a campaign of persecution from state authorities.
If Mendelblit delays, Netanyahu will aim to exploit any electoral success to face down prosecutors, accusing them of seeking to reverse his popular mandate.
Netanyahu’s strategy was on full show last week when he took to the main TV channels. He used this moment of enforced national attention for nothing more serious than a self-serving gripe.
The investigators, led by a far-right police commander he personally approved, had supposedly joined a leftist plot to oust him. The proof was that they had denied him a chance to confront in person his accusers – former aides turned state witness – and challenge their testimony.
Claiming that he had been stripped of his legal rights, Netanyahu demanded a showdown be broadcast live – effectively trailblazing a new type of reality TV show for suspects in high-profile criminal cases.
ແນ່ນອນ, Netanyahu ເຂົ້າໃຈດີເກີນໄປວ່າການປະເຊີນຫນ້າກັບພະຍານດັ່ງກ່າວຖືກຕັດສິນໂດຍຕໍາຫຼວດ, ບໍ່ແມ່ນຜູ້ຖືກກ່າວຫາ, ແລະນໍາໃຊ້ພຽງແຕ່ໃນເວລາທີ່ຫຼັກຖານຕ້ອງໄດ້ຮັບການທົດສອບ.
The police believe they already have the evidence required for a conviction, and hope to test it in a court of law, not in the type of TV spectacle in which Netanyahu excels.
ການເຄື່ອນໄຫວຂອງທ່ານ Netanyahu ມີຈຸດປະສົງເພື່ອເສີມສ້າງການອ້າງວ່າ “ລະບົບ” – ອັນໜຶ່ງທີ່ເຮັດໃຫ້ລາວ ແລະພວກຝ່າຍຄ້ານລັດທິນິຍົມໃນອຳນາດຢ່າງບໍ່ຢຸດຢັ້ງມາເປັນເວລາໜຶ່ງທົດສະວັດ – ແມ່ນຖືກກະບົດຕໍ່ລາວ.
There was a striking parallel with events last week in the United States, where President Donald Trump similarly addressed the nation to corner his opponents in Congress.
ໃນກໍລະນີຂອງທ່ານ, Trump ໄດ້ຊອກຫາການຊຸມນຸມຖານຂອງຕົນໂດຍຄວາມຢ້ານກົວກ່ຽວກັບ "ການຮຸກຮານ" ຂອງຜູ້ເຂົ້າເມືອງ, ແນະນໍາວ່າພັກເດໂມແຄຣັດກໍາລັງໂຄ່ນລົ້ມຄວາມພະຍາຍາມຂອງລາວເພື່ອສະກັດການເຂົ້າຂອງພວກເຂົາດ້ວຍກໍາແພງແບບອິດສະລາແອນ.
ແຕ່ໃນຂະນະທີ່ຫຼາຍຄົນໄດ້ພັນລະນາການແຊກແຊງຫລ້າສຸດຂອງ Netanyahu ວ່າເປັນ "Trumpian", ຄວາມຈິງ, ຜູ້ນໍາ Israeli ແມ່ນປະຕິບັດໄດ້ດີເທົ່າກັບຄູ່ຮ່ວມງານອາເມລິກາຂອງລາວໃນສິລະປະຊ້ໍາຊ້ອນຂອງການຈັດການສື່ມວນຊົນ.
Two of the three bribery cases he faces relate directly to allegations that he offered favours – in one case captured on tape – to Israeli media moguls in return for better coverage in their publications.
Netanyahu has long demonstrated an obsession with controlling his image, and has proved an arch-manipulator of passions to mobilise support for his hawkish agenda.
It was at the last general election, in 2015, that he turned the tables on his right-wing rivals at the last moment. He rallied voters by claiming that Israel’s Palestinian citizens – a fifth of the population – were turning out in “droves” at polling booths. Only a vote for Netanyahu, he suggested, would save the Jewish state.
Not only did he imply that voting by Palestinian citizens was illegitimate, he claimed that the Israeli left was “bussing” them to the polls, citing this falsehood as proof of the left’s treachery.
Now Netanyahu is again deploying the “leftist” slur, this time to discredit the police and prosecution service.
ບາງທີອາດບໍ່ເປັນເລື່ອງແປກທີ່, ພັກ Likud ຂອງ Netanyahu ແມ່ນຝ່າຍດຽວທີ່ກົງກັນຂ້າມກັບແຜນການຂອງຄະນະກໍາມະການເລືອກຕັ້ງສູນກາງທີ່ຈະຂັດຂວາງການໂຄສະນາທາງອອນໄລນ໌ໃນສອງເດືອນສຸດທ້າຍຂອງການໂຄສະນາ.
ໂດຍເນັ້ນໜັກເຖິງວິທີທີ່ໂທລະພາບໄດ້ກາຍເປັນເຄື່ອງມືໃນອິດສະຣາແອນທີ່ບໍ່ແມ່ນເພື່ອໃຫ້ຄວາມກະຈ່າງແຈ້ງໃນບັນຫາຕ່າງໆ ແຕ່ເພື່ອໃຫ້ອາລົມຮ້ອນຂຶ້ນ, ນັກຕະຫລົກໂທລະພາບສະຫະລັດ Roseanne Barr ໄດ້ຖືກເຊີນໃຫ້ກ່າວຄຳປາໄສຕໍ່ລັດຖະສະພາ Israel ໃນທ້າຍເດືອນນີ້.
She will use the opportunity to denounce as Jew haters activists in the international boycott movement who stand in solidarity with Palestinians. Only in Israel’s current degraded public discourse would Barr, who has a history of making offensive comments variously about Jews, Muslims and black people, be taken seriously as an arbiter of racism.
Analysts widely expect this election campaign to be the dirtiest in Israel’s history. But, although they worry about Netanyahu’s demagoguery, they still overlook its grubbiest aspect.
ຊາວປາແລັດສະໄຕທີ່ຖືກຍຶດຄອງໄດ້ຫາຍສາບສູນໄປຢ່າງມີປະສິດທິຜົນ. ພວກເຂົາເຈົ້າຈະບໍ່ມີສຽງໃນການເລືອກເອົານັກການເມືອງອິດສະຣາແອນ ທີ່ໄດ້ກຳນົດຊະຕາກຳຂອງເຂົາເຈົ້າໃນ XNUMX ທົດສະວັດທີ່ຜ່ານມາ.
In fact, not one of the Israeli Jewish parties is highlighting Palestinian rights or putting the occupation at the centre of its platform. The vast majority of Israeli politicians want to entrench the occupation, not end it.
Israeli commentators noted that Mr Netanyahu had another pressing reason – apart from legal threats – to bring forward the election. He feared that otherwise Trump might unveil his long-promised peace plan.
However bad that plan will be for Palestinians, Netanyahu does not want his unwillingness to make concessions exposed.
But Netanyahu is far from the gravest threat to Israel’s “democracy”. The most dangerous thing of all is the widespread refusal in Israel to recognise that the Palestinians are human beings too – and that they should be able to determine their own fate, just like Israelis.
ສະບັບຂອງບົດຄວາມນີ້ປາກົດຄັ້ງທໍາອິດໃນແຫ່ງຊາດ, Abu Dhabi.
Jonathan Cook ໄດ້ຊະນະລາງວັນພິເສດ Martha Gellhorn ສໍາລັບວາລະສານ. ປຶ້ມຂອງລາວລວມມີ “ອິດສະຣາແອນ ແລະ ການປະທະກັນຂອງພົນລະເຮືອນ: ອີຣັກ, ອີຣານ ແລະ ແຜນການສ້າງຕາເວັນອອກກາງຄືນໃໝ່” (Pluto Press) ແລະ “ການຫາຍສາບສູນ Palestine: ການທົດລອງອິດສະລາແອນໃນຄວາມສິ້ນຫວັງຂອງມະນຸດ” (ປຶ້ມ Zed). ເວັບໄຊທ໌ຂອງລາວແມ່ນ www.jonathan-cook.net.
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ການຊ່ວຍເຫຼືອໃດໆກໍ່ຈະຊ່ວຍໄດ້ຢ່າງຫຼວງຫຼາຍ. ແລະກະລຸນາອີເມຂອງຄໍາແນະນໍາສໍາລັບການປັບປຸງ, ຄໍາຄິດເຫັນ, ຫຼືບັນຫາໃນທັນທີ.
ZNetwork ໄດ້ຮັບທຶນພຽງແຕ່ໂດຍຜ່ານຄວາມເອື້ອເຟື້ອເພື່ອແຜ່ຂອງຜູ້ອ່ານຂອງຕົນ.
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