米国は民主主義に対する長期にわたる一連の攻撃の終着点に立っており、今日米国国民が直面している選択は、民主主義に熱心に取り組む人々とそうでない人々の間の分断を示している。 ドナルド・トランプがファシストなのか、それともヒラリー・クリントンが右翼の戦争屋でウォール街の手先なのかを巡る議論は戦術的な陽動だった。 議論されるべき真の問題は以下のとおりである:米国が独特の形態の権威主義にさらに陥ることを防ぐためにどのような措置がとれ得たのか? そして、急進的な民主主義の約束を可能にするために必要な市民の勇気と戦闘的な希望の様式を想像するには何ができたでしょうか? ドナルド・トランプ氏が大統領に選出されたことを考慮すると、こうした問題は重大な緊急性を帯びている。 このような状況下では、国民が危険にさらされているだけでなく、民主主義の存続に必要な経済的、政治的、文化的制度が積極的に弱体化されており、崩壊の危機に瀕している。 ロバート・カットナー氏は次のように述べています。
“It is hard to contemplate the new administration without experiencing alarm bordering on despair: Alarm about the risks of war, the fate of constitutional democracy, the devastation of a century of social progress. Trump’s populism was a total fraud. Every single Trump appointment has come from the pool of far-right conservatives, crackpots, and billionaire kleptocrats. More alarming still is the man himself – his vanity, impulsivity, and willful ignorance, combined with an intuitive genius as a demagogue. A petulant fifth-grader with nuclear weapons will now control the awesome power of the U.S. government. One has to nourish the hope that Trump can yet be contained. Above all, that will take passionate and strategic engagement, not just to resist but to win, to discredit him and get him out of office while this is still a democracy. We can feel sick at heart – we would be fools not to – but despair is not an option.”【1]
A Call for Resistance
Kuttner rightly mediates such despair with a call for resistance. Yet, such deep-seated anxiety is not unwarranted given the willingness of contemporary politicians and pundits during the 2016 presidential battle to use themes that echoed alarmingly fascist and totalitarian elements of the past. According to Drucilla Cornell and Stephen D. Seely, Trump’s campaign mobilized a movement that was “unambiguously fascist.”【2] あの人たちは書く:
“We are not using the word ‘fascist’ glibly here. Nor are we referencing only the so-called ‘alt-right’ contingent of his supporters. No, Trump’s entire movement is rooted in an ethnic, racial, and linguistic nationalism that sanctions and glorifies violence against designated enemies and outsiders, is animated by a myth of decline and nostalgic renewal and centered on a masculine cult of personality.”【3]
Large segments of the American public, especially minorities of class and color, have been written out of politics over what they view as a failed state and the inability of the basic machinery of government to serve their interests. As market mentalities and moralities tighten their grip on all aspects of society, democratic institutions and public spheres are being downsized, if not altogether disappearing. As these institutions vanish – from public schools to healthcare centers – there is also a serious erosion of the discourses of community, justice, equality, public values, and the common good. This grim reality has been called a “failed sociality” – a failure in the power of the civic imagination, political will, and open democracy.【4] As the consolidation of power by the corporate and financial elite empties politics of any substance, the political realm merges elements of Monty Python, Kafka, and Aldus Huxley. With the election of Donald Trump, the savagery of neoliberalism has been intensified with the emergence at the highest levels of power of a toxic mix of anti-intellectualism, religious fundamentalism, nativism, and a renewed notion of American exceptionalism. Mainstream politics is now dominated by hard-right extremists who have brought to the center of politics a shameful white supremacist ideology, poisonous xenophobic ideas, and the blunt, malicious tenets and practices of Islamophobia.
The older political establishment’s calls for regime change and war are now supplemented by the discourse of state sanctioned torture, armed ignorance, and a deep hatred of democracy. Neoliberalism, with its full-fledged assault on the welfare state and public goods, the destruction of the manufacturing sector, and a dramatic shift in wealth to the upper 1 per cent, has destroyed the faith of millions in democracy, which lost its power to contain the rich and the rule of financial capital. With the erosion of the social contract and the increasing power of the rich to control both the commanding institutions of society and politics itself, democracy has lost any legitimacy as a counter weight to protect the ever widening sphere of people considered vulnerable and disposable. The result has been that the dangerous roadmap to neo-fascist appeals have gained more and more credence. The end result is that large portions of the American public have turned to Trump’s brand of authoritarianism. The future looks bleak, especially, for youth in neoliberal societies as they are burdened with debt, dead-end jobs, unemployment, and, if you are black and poor, the increasing possibility of being either incarcerated or shot by the police.【5] The United States has become a war culture and immediate massive forms of resistance and civil disobedience are essential if the planet and human life is going to survive.
アメリカが自らの理想と戦争状態にあり、有色人種や階級の少数派、移民、イスラム教徒、シリア難民に対して戦争が行われていることに、ほとんど疑いの余地はない。 このような残虐行為は国内テロ行為に相当し、大規模な集団的反対だけでなく、そのような公認された暴力を引き起こしている状況についての新たな理解と、それに抵抗するための政治の新たな概念の必要性も必要としている。 これは、民主的社会主義を変革の課題に据えることを示唆しています。
Struggle for Democratic Socialism
民主的社会主義を求める闘争は、特に既存の新自由主義的統治形態による恐怖政治を考慮すると、重要な目標である。 新自由主義の厳しい政治と価値観の断固たる擁護者として、トランプは、依存、連帯、共同体、そしてコモンズの実行可能な概念を嘲笑する新自由主義的社会秩序の中で多くの人々が感じていた細分化と孤独を食い物にしていたということを覚えておくことが極めて重要である。 彼は、荒々しい個人主義の幻想と排外主義という超男性的な概念の有害な言説を奨励すると同時に、白人至上主義、白人の公共圏、そして憎悪の支持に根ざしたコミュニティの欺瞞を信者たちに提供した。取り返しのつかないほどその他のものとみなされるもののうち。 トランプ大統領が新たな権威主義を支持する根底にある新自由主義のイデオロギーと公共教育は、イデオロギー的かつ政治的に挑戦され、解体されなければならない。
Yet, the task of challenging the new authoritarianism will only succeed if progressives embrace an expansive and relational understanding of politics. This means, among other things, refusing to view elections as the ultimate litmus test of democratic participation and rejecting the assumption that capitalism and democracy are synonymous. The demise of democracy must be challenged at all levels of public participation and must serve as a rallying cry to call into question the power and control of all institutions that bear down on everyday life. Moreover, any progressive struggle must move beyond the fragmentation that has undermined the left for decades. This suggests moving beyond single issue movements in order to develop and emphasize the connections between diverse social formations. At stake here is the struggle for building a broad alliance that brings together different political movements and, as Cornell and Seely observe, a political formation willing to promote an ethical revolution whose goal “is not only socialism as an economic form of organization but a new way of being together with others that could begin to provide a collectively shared horizon of meaning.”【6]
Central to a viable notion of ideological and structural transformation is a refusal of the mainstream politics of disconnect. In its place is a plea for broader social movements and a more comprehensive understanding of politics in order to connect the dots between, for instance, police brutality and mass incarceration, on the one hand, and the diverse crises producing massive poverty, the destruction of the welfare state, and the assaults on the environment, workers, young people and women.
One approach to such a task would be to develop an expansive understanding of politics that necessarily links the calls for a living wage and environmental justice to demands for accessible quality healthcare and the elimination of conditions that enable the state to wage assaults against Black people, immigrants, workers and women. Such relational analyses also suggest the merging of labour unions and social movements. In addition, progressives must address the crucial challenge of producing cultural apparatuses such as alternative media, think tanks and social services in order to provide models of education that enhance the ability of individuals to make informed judgments, discriminate between evidence based arguments and opinions, and to provide theoretical and political frameworks for rethinking the relationship between the self and others based on notions of compassion, justice, and solidarity.
Crucial to rethinking the space and meaning of the political imaginary is the need to reach across specific identities and to move beyond single-issue movements and their specific agendas. This is not a matter of dismissing such movements, but creating new alliances that allow them to become stronger in the fight to not only succeed in advancing their specific concerns but also enlarging the possibility of developing a radical democracy that benefits not just specific but general interests. As the Fifteenth Street Manifesto group expressed in its 2008 piece, “Left Turn: An Open Letter to U.S. Radicals,” many groups on the left would grow stronger if they were to “perceive and refocus their struggles as part of a larger movement for social transformation.”【7] Any feasible political agenda must merge the pedagogical and the political by employing a language and mode of analysis that resonates with people’s needs while making social change a crucial element of the political and public imagination. At the same time, any politics that is going to take real change seriously must be highly critical of any reformist politics that does not include both a change of consciousness and structural change.
If progressives are to join in the fight against authoritarianism in the United States, they will need to create powerful political alliances and produce long-term organizations that can provide a view of the future that does not simply mimic the present. This requires aligning private issues to broader structural and systemic problems both at home and abroad. This is where matters of translation become crucial in developing broader ideological struggles and in fashioning a more comprehensive notion of politics. Movements require time to mature and come into fruition and depend on an educated public that is able to address both the structural conditions of oppression and how they are legitimated through their ideological impact on individual and collective attitudes and modes of experiencing the world. In this way radical ideas can be connected to action once workers and others recognize the need to take control of the conditions of their labour, communities, resources, and lives.
Struggles that take place in particular contexts must also be associated to similar efforts at home and abroad. For instance, the ongoing privatization of public goods such as schools can be analyzed within increasing attempts on the part of billionaires to eliminate the social state and gain control over commanding economic and cultural institutions in the USA. At the same time, the modeling of schools after prisons can be connected to the ongoing criminalization of a wide range of everyday behaviors and the rise of the punishing state.
さらに、米国における抑圧的な経済、政治、文化的慣行は、広範な抑圧という同様のシナリオに従っている他の権威主義社会と関連している可能性があります。 例えば、米国における人種差別化された警察の暴力と、エジプトのような権威主義国家がイスラム教徒の抗議活動参加者に対して行っている暴力との共通点について考えることが重要である。 これにより、私たちは地球規模でさまざまな社会問題を理解し、そのような多様な社会正義の闘争を国境を越えて結び付ける政治的形成を容易に発展させることができます。 また、全体主義社会の特徴を示す多様な権威主義的政策や教育実践を理解し、名前を付け、可視化するのにも役立ちます。 これは、現在進行中の黒人の犯罪化と、新たな形の国内および国家テロリズムの台頭への対処において特に当てはまります。 ニコラス・パワーズ氏が指摘するように、
“The old racial line between ‘Black’ and ‘White’ has been redrawn as the line between criminal and citizen. Up and down the class hierarchy form poor to wealthy, Black people have to dodge violence, from macroaggressions to economic sabotage and from public shaming to physical attacks… every day another person of color is shot by police, and the hole left inside families are where love ones used to breathe. The cops not only steal the lives of our children; they steal the lives of everyone who loved them. A part of us freezes, goes numb.”【8]
Critical Thinking, Critical Culture
In this instance, making the political more pedagogical becomes central to any viable notion of politics. That is, if the ideals and practices of democratic governance are not to be lost, there is a need for progressives to address and accelerate the production of critical formative cultures that promote dialogue, debate and, what James Baldwin once called, a “certain daring, a certain independence of mind” capable of teaching “some people to think and in order to teach some people to think, you have to teach them to think about everything.”【9] Thinking is dangerous, especially under the cloud of an impending neo-fascism, because it is a crucial requirement for constructing new political institutions that can both fight against the impending authoritarianism and imagine a society in which democracy is viewed no longer as a remnant of the past but rather as an ideal that is worthy of continuous struggle. This merging of education, critical thinking, and politics is necessary for creating informed agents willing to fight the systemic violence and domestic forms of repression that mark the authoritarian policies and repressive practices of the Trump administration.
Under the Trump presidency, the worse dimensions of a neoliberal order will be accelerated and will include: deregulating restrictions on corporate power, cutting taxes for the rich, expanding the military, privatizing public education, supressing civil liberties, waging a war against dissent, treating Black communities as war zones, and dismantling all public goods. Such actions make it all the more imperative for progressives to challenge a market-driven society that erodes the symbolic and affective bonds and loyalties that give meaning to social existence. Appealing to the economic interests of the public is important, but it is not enough. Hope has to be fed by the lessons of history, the recognition for collective action, and the willingness to “feel one’s way imaginatively into the situation of others.”【10] Hope is not only about expanding the limits of the radical imagination, it is also about recognizing that resistance is a necessity that has to be rooted in a realistic assessment of the roadblocks ahead.
Refusing a politics of disconnection means taking on the crucial challenge of producing a critical formative culture along with corresponding institutions that promote a form of permanent criticism against all elements of oppression and unaccountable power. One important task of emancipation 奨励することです educators, artists, workers, young people and others to use their skills in the service of a politics in which public values, trust and compassion can be used to chip away at neoliberalism’s celebration of self-interest, the ruthless accumulation of capital, the survival-of-the-fittest ethos and the financialization and market-driven corruption of the political system. Political responsibility is more than a challenge – it is the projection of a possibility in which new identification, affectations, and loyalties can be produced to enable and sustain new forms of civic action, political organizations, and transnational anti-capitalist movements. A radical democracy based on the best principles of a democratic socialism must be written back into the script of everyday life, and doing so demands overcoming the current crisis of memory, agency and politics by collectively struggling for a society in which matters of justice, equity and inclusion define what is possible.
Neo-fascism thrives on the disparagement of others, nativism, ultra-nationalism, an appeal to violence, an unchecked individualism, and the legitimation of an alleged preferred people to dominate others. These are the elements of a formative culture rooted in nihilism, cynicism, economic insecurity, unrestrained anger, a paralyzing fear, and the collapse of public values and the ethical grammar that gives a democracy meaning. At work here is the undeniable fact of how education is at the center of politics, and can be used for either oppressive or emancipatory ends. This suggests strategies aimed at the development of alternative, progressive educational apparatuses, grounded in the pedagogical necessity to make knowledge and ideas meaningful in order to make them critical and transformative. This means appropriating and using the symbolic and intellectual tools of persuasion, identification, and belief as crucial political strategies. I am not talking about a facile appeal to a notion of consciousness raising. Rather, I am emphasizing the necessity for progressives to work in conjunction with labour unions, educational unions, and other social movements to develop the institutions necessary for a critical formative culture that can change the consciousness, desires, identities, investments, values, while providing a sense of agency of those who lack the tools of civic literacy and critical frames of reference necessary for understanding the conditions that produce misery, exploitation, exclusion, and mass resentment, all the while paving the way for right-wing populist movements.
カジノ資本主義の統治下で、民主的な公共圏は、それが支持する大衆とともに消滅しつつある。 その結果の一つは、経済の軍事化だけでなく、私の同僚のブラッド・エヴァンスが「武装無知」と呼ぶものにも基づいて構築された戦争国家である。 このような無知は、倫理的および社会的責任の欠如を表すだけでなく、米国における教育的および精神的危機の兆候でもあります。 恐怖、憎しみ、偏見の文化がアメリカの政治を病理に変えました。 恐怖は理性を麻痺させ、権威主義者がいわゆるテロ管理に従事しやすくする。 トランプ大統領の演説は、不安、恐怖、憎しみの訴えを誘発する薬物で数百万人を動員した。 トランプ大統領の恐怖の利用に関する洞察力に富んだ解説は、彼が恐怖を政治的および教育的ツールとしてどのように利用したかを明らかにしています。 彼は書く:
“The Trump rally speeches go through a litany of perceived threats to the American worker: the immigrants taking ‘our’ jobs, the terrorists who want to kill ‘us’, the media who want to silence ‘us’. Trump is no social psychologist, but he has an instinctive sense for crowds: the purpose of this rhetoric is to tear down the listener to a point of malleability, at which point, he ‘alone” supplies the answer (as in his ‘I alone can fix it’ speech at the Republican National Convention in the summer). He drowns the listener in fear and then reaches out a helping hand from the threat that he, himself, has conjured. This verbal waterboarding breaks down the Trump fan into a panicked rage and then channels that fear and anger into the pretend solution of a giant wall or jailing Hillary Clinton, which not incidentally, also places Trump at the center of power and control over his fans’ lives. Fear actually short-circuits rational thought and gets the rally-goer to accept the strongman as the only way to avoid the perceived threat.”【11]
大量生産された恐怖への訴えは、少数派、若者、反体制派の権利を踏みにじる政治を正当化する。 さらに、政府や大企業の上層部から学校や警察の準軍事化に至るまで、暴力的で腐敗した不法行為を強化しています。 非武装の黒人がほぼ毎週警察によって殺害される中、国内テロが常態化する一方、ますます多くの国民が余剰、使い捨て、余剰人員とみなされ、エスカレートする右翼グループ、腐敗した政治家、利益をもたらす政策による偏見にさらされている。金融エリート。 そして、ドナルド・トランプ氏が大統領に選出されたことで、権威主義の霧が立ち込め、民主主義と市民の読み書き能力の痕跡はほとんど薄れていくだろう。 このような予言は単なる SF の話ではありません。 デビッド・レムニック氏が予測しているように、トランプ政権は公的価値観の萎縮と民主主義的感性の両方をもたらし、悲惨、暴力、残虐行為に浸ったディストピア的な社会秩序をもたらすだろう。
“There are, inevitably, miseries to come: an increasingly reactionary Supreme Court; an emboldened right-wing Congress; a President whose disdain for women and minorities, civil liberties and scientific fact, to say nothing of simple decency, has been repeatedly demonstrated. Trump is vulgarity unbounded, a knowledge-free national leader who will not only set markets tumbling but will strike fear into the hearts of the vulnerable, the weak, and, above all, the many varieties of Other whom he has so deeply insulted. The African-American Other. The Hispanic Other. The female Other. The Jewish and Muslim Other. The most hopeful way to look at this grievous event – and it’s a stretch – is that this election and the years to follow will be a test of the strength, or the fragility, of American institutions. It will be a test of our seriousness and resolve.”【12]
The world is on the brink of nuclear war, ecological extinction, an accelerating refugee crisis, and a growing culture saturated in violence; yet, the public is persuaded that the burning issues of the day focus on the breakup of Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie, Kim Kardashian’s loss of $11-million in jewelry to thieves, or the endless focus on the banality of Reality TV and celebrity culture. In addition, violence is now treated as a theatrical performance paving the way each day for the next news cycle operating primarily as spectacle and entertainment. Moral and political hysteria is in fashion and has undermined the public spheres that promote self-reflection, dialogue, and informed judgment. Informed exchanges and arguments that rely on evidence have been displaced by a culture of shouting, emotion, lying, and thuggery. War comes in many forms and is as powerful as a form of ideology and identification as it is in the service of multiple forms of violence. Once we recognize the metrics of war as both crisis of politics and education, we can mobilize against both its ideological and material relations of power. But time is running out.
New Discourse, New Politics
The American public needs a new discourse to resuscitate historical memories and develop new methods of opposition in order to address the connections between the escalating destabilization of the Earth’s biosphere, impoverishment, inequality, police violence, mass incarceration, corporate crime, and the poisoning of low-income communities. Once again, not only are social movements from below needed, there is also a need to merge diverse single-issue movements that range from calls for racial justice to calls for economic fairness. Of course, there are significant examples of this in the Black Lives Matter movement and the ongoing strikes by workers for a living wage.【13] But these are only the beginning of what is needed to contest state violence, institutionalized racism, and the savage machinery of neoliberal capitalism.
There has never been a more pressing time to rethink the meaning of politics, justice, struggle, collective action, and the development of new political parties and social movements. The ongoing violence against Black youth, the impending ecological crisis, the use of prisons to warehouse people who represent social problems, the poisoning of children due to neoliberal fiscal policies, and the ongoing war on women’s reproductive rights, among other crises, demand a new language for developing modes of creative long-term struggle, a wider understanding of politics, and a new urgency to create modes of collective struggles rooted in more enduring and unified political formations.
このような闘争には、新しい種類の活動へのますます広範な取り組みが必要です。 システムを修復するために生ぬるい電話をする必要はありません。 その代わりに、私たちは最終的に壊れたシステムの灰から新しいシステムを発明する必要があります。 道徳の高揚や個人の責任を求める必要はありません。 私たちは経済的、政治的、ジェンダー的、人種的正義を求める声を必要としています。 そのような政治は、特定の要求に根ざし、直接行動を受け入れ、より広範な国民を教育し、権力を掌握するために動員することを目的とした戦略を真剣に講じなければなりません。
Trump’s willingness to rely upon openly fascist elements prefigures the emergence of an American style mode of authoritarianism that threatens to further foreclose venues for social justice and civil rights. The need for resistance has become urgent. The struggle is not simply over specific institutions such as higher education or so-called democratic procedures such as the validity of elections but over what it means to get to the root of the problems facing the United States. At the heart of such a movement is the need to draw more people into subversive actions modeled after the militancy of the labour strikes of the 1930s, the civil rights movements of the 1950s and the struggle for participatory democracy by the New Left in the 1960s while building upon the strategies and successes of the more recent movements for economic, social and environmental justice such as Black Lives Matter and Our Revolution. At the same time, there is a need to reclaim the radical imagination and to infuse it with a spirited battle for an independent politics that regards a radical democracy as part of a never-ending struggle.
進歩主義者が、新しい形態の主体性を生み出し、変化への欲求を動員し、性差別主義者や人種差別主義者に対抗するために考え、話し、行動する能力を裏付ける言語を提供するために不可欠な政治的および道徳的実践として教育を理解しない限り、これらのことは起こりません。 、新しい権威主義によって生み出された苦しみの経済的および政治的文法。 左派には、既存の抑圧の語彙の範囲内では言い表せないように見える質問を人々ができるようにする批判の言語が必要である。 また、民主主義を損なっているイデオロギー的および構造的障害をしっかりと認識した希望の言語も必要です。 私たちは、私たちの活動家の政治を、急進的な民主主義の約束と可能性に応える創造的な行為として再構成する言語を必要としています。
Broad-based social movements cannot materialize overnight. They require educated agents who are able to connect structural conditions of oppression to the oppressive cultural apparatuses that legitimate, persuade, and shape individual and collective attitudes in the service of oppressive ideas and values. No wide-ranging social movement can develop without educating a public about the diverse economic, political, cultural, and pedagogical conditions that provide a discourse of critique and inquiry on the one hand and a vocabulary of action and hope on the other. Under such conditions, radical ideas can be connected to action once diverse groups recognize the need to take control of the political, economic, and cultural conditions which shape their world views, exploit their labour, control their communities, appropriate their resources, and undermine their dignity and lives. Yet, raising consciousness alone will not change authoritarian societies. Though, it does provide the foundation for making oppression visible and for developing from below what Etienne Balibar calls “practices of resistance and solidarity.”【14] We need more than radical critique of capitalism, racism, and other forms of oppression. Any viable struggle for justice and a radical democracy also need to nourish a critical formative culture and cultural politics that inspires, energizes, and provides a radical education project in the service of a broad-based movement for democratic socialism. •
Henry A. Giroux currently is a Contributing Editor for Tikkun Magazine and the McMaster University Professor for Scholarship in the Public Interest and The Paulo Freire Distinguished Scholar in Critical Pedagogy. His most recent books include 組織的忘却の暴力 (City Lights、2014)、 新しい権威主義の時代における危険な思考 (Routledge, 2015), coauthored with Brad Evans, 使い捨て先物:スペクタクル時代の暴力の誘惑 (シティライツ、2015)、および アメリカは自国と戦争中 (City Lights, 2016). His website is www.henryagiroux.com.
文末脚注:
1. Robert Kuttner, “希望の大胆さ" アメリカン·プロスペクト (12月の16、2016)。
2. Drucilla Cornell & Stephen D. Seely, “Seven Theses on Trump" 重要な法的思考 (28 年 2016 月 XNUMX 日)。
3. Ibid., Drucilla Cornell & Stephen D. Seely.
4. Alex Honneth, 理性の病理 (ニューヨーク: コロンビア大学出版局、2009 年)、p. 188.
5. See, for instance, a number of insightful articles on police violence against people of color in Maya Schenwar, Joe Macare and Alana Yu-lan Price, eds. Who do You Serve Who Do You Protect (Chicago: Haymarket books, 2016).
6. Ibid., Drucilla Cornell & Stephen D. Seely.
7. Situations Manifesto, Left Turn: An Open Letter to U.S. Radicals, (N.Y.: The Fifteenth Street Manifesto Group, March 2008), p. 1.
8. Nicholas Powers, “Killing the Future: The Theft of Black Life.” In Maya Schenwar, Joe Macare and Alana Yu-lan Price, Eds. Who do You Serve Who Do You Protect (Chicago: Haymarket books, 2016), p. 14.
9. ジェイムズボールドウィン。 James Baldwin: The last Interview and Other Conversations, (Polity Press, 2016: Cambridge, UK), p. 22.
10. テリー・イーグルトン「再評価: 社会民主主義の価値は何ですか?」 ハーパーの雑誌, (October 2010), p. 790.
11. David Dillard-Wright, “Explaining the Cult of Trump" AlterNet (12月の16、2016)。
12. David Remnick, “アメリカの悲劇" ニューヨーカー (9 年 2016 月 XNUMX 日)。
13. Alicia Garza, “A Herstory of the #BlackLivesMatter Movement" フェミニストワイヤー (10月7、2014)。
Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, “The rise of the #BlackLivesMatter movement" Socialist Worker.org (1月の13、2015)。
Elizabeth Day, “#BlackLivesMatter: the birth of a new civil rights movement" 保護者 (7月19、2015)。
14. Clement Petitjean, “Étienne Balibar: War, racism and nationalism" Verso Book Blog (17 年 2015 月 XNUMX 日)。
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