With a new administration taking office in Washington, and an era of profound economic crisis on the horizon, the U.S. military apparatus is undergoing a strategic makeover.  In many respects, conditions "on the ground" have remained essentially the same:  violence rages on in Iraq (Obama and his commanders katılmıyorum çatışmanın on altı ay mı yoksa yirmi üç ay daha mı uzatılacağı hakkında); hava saldırıları Pakistanlı sivilleri öldürmeye devam ediyor (her ne kadar şu anda çok yüksek düzeyde olsa da) daha yüksek oran); Filistinliler ve İsrailliler ABD destekli işgal altında acı çekmeye devam ediyor; kurumsal savaş vurguncuları almaya devam ediyor üst düzey hükümet atamaları; ABD askeri bütçesi yoluna devam ediyor yıllık genişleme. Ancak aynı zamanda askeri-endüstriyel kompleksin elit yöneticileri hem pazarlama imajlarında hem de operasyonel odaklarında bir değişimin planlarını yapıyor. Blackwater Worldwide'ın adı şu şekilde değiştirildi: Xe; askere alım rakamları artmış ekonomi geriledikçe; silah programları yapılıyor reklamı "istihdam yaratmanın" araçları olarak; işkence ve gizli hapis sembolik olarak ulusal vicdandan silinmiştir; Deniz komutanları var öneren Irak'tan Afganistan'a tam ölçekli güç transferi.     

 

This last item is particularly relevant, as President Obama has ordered an immediate fifty percent increase of U.S. troops in Afghanistan (from 36,000 to 53,500), with thousands more dağıtılması bekleniyor by early summer.  In the face of sustained public opposition to the Iraq war, the military establishment has found it necessary to direct its ambitions elsewhere – and with Robert Gates staying on as Defense Secretary, the "surge" gimmick that sold so well in the context of Iraq is now being used to promote a similar strategy in the historically unconquerable terrain of Afghanistan.  Evidently, the hope of the new administration is that a fresh White House image, renewed international support, and the appearance of a connection to the 9/11 attacks will turn Afghanistan into a preferred venue for its highly profitable "global war on terror."

 

For many rank-and-file GIs, however, this image of the war in Afghanistan as a "good war" is not at all convincing.  Extreme climate, austere geography, and vague military strategies combine to make the country into a hellish environment for day-to-day ground operations.  Moreover, those familiar with life in the region are doubtful that a U.S.-led "troop surge" will contribute substantially to the well-being of the Afghan people. 

 

But in the eyes of some enlistees, the problems with the war in Afghanistan extend far beyond the agonies of wartime experience, or doubts about the underlying geopolitical strategy. 

 

A groundbreaking event in Chicago this week featured a panel of six military veterans, all of whom have spoken out not only against the war in Iraq, or even against the war in Afghanistan, but against the "global war on terror" as a whole.  The panel was organized by the Chicago chapter of Iraq Veterans against the War (IVAW), and its participants set a bold and courageous tone for GI resistance in the age of Obama-imperialism. 

 

One of the veterans, Tyler Zabel, could face deployment to Afghanistan at any moment.  A member of the Illinois Army National Guard who enlisted at the age of seventeen, Tyler has already survived a horrifying ordeal at the hands of the military bureaucracy.  After completing basic training at Fort Benning, GA, Tyler returned to Chicago and began the application process to become a Conscientious Objector.  Having joined the military in order to serve the people of his country, he was appalled by the rampant bloodlust and blind conformity he witnessed during his time at Fort Benning.  After meeting a young woman in Chicago who had experienced war first-hand during her childhood in El Salvador, his perspective was deepened and he became a committed pacifist.    

 

The military’s application system for Conscientious Objectors seems designed to prevent people like Tyler – who are morally opposed to the combat missions for which they are being trained – from acting on their moral convictions.  In addition to three official interviews (including both a religious and a psychological evaluation), Tyler was required to submit a long essay explaining his refusal to engage in combat.  Only then would he begin the excruciating process of waiting for his application to be reviewed, which usually takes between six months and one year, during which time the applicant remains an active member of his unit. 

 

In Tyler‘s case, however, the system was especially unfriendly.  One of the first officers he consulted about his application, his squad leader Sergeant First Class Washington, provided false information about Tyler‘s eligibility, claiming that his lack of religious affiliation would prevent him from becoming a CO.  (This has not been true since a Supreme Court decision in 1971 expanded the basis for Conscientious Objection beyond religious grounds.)  The same officer also withheld a key document pertaining to Tyler‘s case – document AR 600-43 – falsely claiming that the information it contained was classified.  (The document is in fact available through the IVAW web sitesi.) 

 

Then, a few months later, when it seemed that the worst was over, Tyler received a call from the military notifying him that he would be deployed to Afghanistan in one week.  He was flabbergasted.  Normal practice within the military allows six months advance notice for calls such as this – and Tyler had already informed the military at length of his pacifism and opposition to the war in Afghanistan.  Suddenly, his life was thrown into a state of panic.  The personal transformation he had undergone during the previous year, his relationships, his work, his life itself – the U.S. government was asking him to sacrifice all of this for a war that he found morally abhorrent.

 

But this was not the end.  Just one day before Tyler was scheduled to leave for Afghanistan, he received another call from the military indicating that he would not have to deploy after all.  Then, as if this torment was not enough, he was contacted yet again a month later with reissued orders for deployment. 

 

In Tyler‘s mind, this was the last straw.  Instead of reporting for deployment, he decided to go AWOL and face the risk of military prosecution.  After weeks in hiding – during which time he could not work and rarely left his home – he decided to turn himself in to his old unit.  The response of his commanders was to "demote" him to a lower rank – indicating that their intention was not to enforce military policy, but to manipulate Tyler (an active war resister) into psychological submission.  This indication was confirmed earlier this month when Tyler‘s commanders failed to contact him for drill practice, as is the unit’s routine procedure; when he telephoned them to resolve the confusion, his commanders accused him of insubordination for his absence.  Confronted with this final pattern of abuse, Tyler knew that it was time to get out of the military for good.  Instead of reporting to his unit, he stayed home and has not gone back since.      

 

For several months Tyler has lived in a state of legal and existential limbo, knowing that the military could show up at any moment to haul him off to prison (or worse, to Afghanistan).  He has received advice from numerous activists and politicians, but his best allies have been fellow veterans from IVAW, whose support has strengthened his will and inspired him to speak out publicly.  Now, empowered by these relations of solidarity, he is determined not only to resist the military’s internal abuses, but to combat the spread of militarism throughout society.  "They need this war [in Afghanistan] to continue to expand the military-industrial complex," he says, "which our society now depends on" – but we can resist this expansion by "closing the door to recruitment, and opening the door for resistance," both within and outside the military. 

 

Tyler‘s moral opposition to the military-industrial complex was echoed by the other members of the IVAW panel in Chicago.  Two national guardsmen (one of whom is now a militant labor organizer with the IWW) described their success at fomenting resistance among fellow rank-and-file guard members. By sharing ideas and literature at their base, they were able to establish strong personal relationships that served as a bottom-up defense against the military’s institutionalized discipline.  Another AWOL veteran described the U.S. military as an institution whose mission is to "exterminate" the oppressed people of the world "like so many cockroaches," while emphasizing the damage inflicted on vulnerable enlistees by the military’s "racist, sexist, and homophobic practices."     

 

Panelin tüm üyeleri, yeni siyasi yönetim altında karşı askere alma ve militarizasyon karşıtı hareketlerin yoğunlaşması ihtiyacını kabul etti. Felluce gazisi D. Paul Muller'in işaret ettiği gibi, silahlı kuvvetlere "işe alım sayılarını yüksek tutmak, lise öğrencilerini devam ettirmek" yönünde katı emirler veriliyor. Zengin finans kuruluşları bütçelerini sıkılaştırırken, askeri planlamacılar vergi mükelleflerinin fonlarının devasa "savunma" ekonomisine akmaya devam etmesini sağlama konusunda baskı altında. Bu fonlara erişim konusunda lobiciler ve politika yapıcılar arasındaki rekabet, son aylarda arttıve ordunun çeşitli kolları, mali açıdan kıt olan bu ortamla başa çıkmak için yeni pazarlama stratejileri geliştiriyor. 

 

Toplumumuzun daha fazla militarizasyonunu önlemek ve kamu servetini askeri olmayan sosyal programlara yatırım yapmaya yönlendirmek için, ordunun kriz zamanında çaresiz toplulukları yağmalama girişimlerine karşı koyacak alternatif bir kültüre ihtiyacımız olacak. IVAW'daki savaş direnişçileri, ordunun kendi saflarında bir itaatsizlik kültürü yaratarak böyle bir alternatifin önünü açtı. Onların çabalarını destekleyerek ve bu ve diğer askersizleştirme projelerini ayakta tutacak işbirlikçi ağlar geliştirerek, toplumumuzu savaş vurgunculuğuna ve askeri güce olan bağımlılığından kurtarma çalışmalarına başlayabiliriz.     

 

Daha fazla bilgi için, adresine gidin. http://ivaw.org/.

 

Patrick Dunn is a philosopher living in Chicago.

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