غير يقيني صورتحال ۽ وهڪري جي حوالي سان، اهو مخصوص کان شروع ڪرڻ ۾ مدد ڪري ٿو. منهنجو شروعاتي نقطو سريزا جو اڀار آهي، بنيادي طور تي کاٻي اتحاد جو جڙيل تحريڪن ۾ جڙيل آهي سادگي جي خلاف مزاحمت جيڪا يوناني پارليامينٽ ۾ مکيه اپوزيشن پارٽي بڻجي وئي آهي. لکين ماڻهن جي غضب ۽ نااميدي کي هڪ مرڪوز سياسي آواز ڏيڻ جي سيريزا جي قابليت هڪ اهڙي پيش رفت ڪئي آهي جنهن مان اسان سکي سگهون ٿا.
This is a matter not only of its soaring electoral support, which rose from 4 per cent of the national vote in 2009 to 27 per cent in June 2012 on the basis of a refusal of the policies imposed by the IMF, the European Commission (EC) and the European Central Bank (ECB), but also of the fact that this electoral mandate is reinforced by organised movements and networks of solidarity that Syriza has been part of building.
This is not to imply that Syriza’s success is stable or that its momentum will necessarily be maintained. One of its 71 MPs, the ex-Pasok member and trade union leader, Dimtris Tsoukalas, warns that ‘votes can be like sand’. Threatening winds will blow persistently from a hostile media determined to exploit any sign of division; from national and European elites creating an atmosphere of fear towards the left and from an aggressive fascist party exploiting xenophobic tendencies in Greek society with some success, having won 7 per cent in the polls.
Syriza does not provide a template to apply elsewhere; it is a new kind of political organisation in the making. Reflection on its rise, however, which has taken place alongside the collapse of support for Pasok (from around 40 per cent of the vote in 2009 to no more than 13 per cent in 2012), throws the present quandary of the left, especially in Europe, into relief. Such reflection also stimulates fresh thoughts on forms of political organisation that could help us find ways out.
سوشل ڊيموڪريٽڪ پارٽين جي ناڪامي
مسئلو هي آهي. هڪ طرف، سوشل ڊيموڪريٽڪ پارٽين جي مالي بحران جي حل لاءِ عوام لاءِ سادگيءَ سان بيهڻ يا ان تي سنجيدگيءَ سان سوديبازي ڪرڻ جي ناڪامي آهي. مختلف سطحن تي اهي پارٽيون هڪ نمايان طور بدنام ٿيل نيو لبرل پروجيڪٽ جي چئلينج کي منهن ڏيڻ ۾ ناڪامي جو مظاهرو ڪري رهيون آهن. پارٽيءَ جي جمهوريت ۽ ڪلچر ۾ زوال، ان کان علاوه، مارڪيٽ تي هلندڙ ذهنيت جي جڪڙ سان گڏ، ان جو مطلب اهو آهي ته سوشل ڊيموڪريٽڪ پارٽين ۾ تجديد جون قوتون اڻپوريون يا تمام ڪمزور هونديون آهن.
On the other hand, most political organisations of the radical left, with the notable exception of Syriza, are in weaker positions than they were before the financial crisis of 2008. In addition, the traditional forms of labour movement organisation have been seriously weakened. There has been an impressive growth of resistance and alternatives of many kinds, many of them interconnected and many, like Occupy, besmirching the brand of an already dodgy-looking system. But through what strategic visions, forms of organisation and means of political activism they can produce lasting forces of transformation is an open question under active and widespread discussion.
ٻين لفظن ۾، جڏهن ته ساڄي ڌر، نيو لبرلزم جي صورت ۾، 1989 ۾ سوويت بلاڪ جي خاتمي لاءِ تيار هئي، اتر ۾ کاٻي ڌر، جڏهن سرمائيداري جي خاتمي جي ويجهو اچي رهي هئي، ته جيئن ان کي سڏڻ جي صلاحيت ڏني وڃي. رياستي ضمانتن ۾ - سماج لاءِ ان جي متبادل قدرن ۽ هدايتن تي هلندڙ تبديلي جي متحرڪ تعمير لاءِ مناسب طريقا ڳولڻ ۾ ناڪام ٿي وئي آهي.
Syriza in its current form has been forged in the intense heat of the most ruthless turning of the screw of austerity. Syriza is going to face many problems, both within its own organisation as it changes from a coalition of parties and groups to becoming a party with its own direct membership, as well as in the face of new pressures that will come from its opponents both inside and outside Greece. However, after interviewing a wide range of activists and reading interviews and reports by others, I have a grounded belief that the long and difficult process of developing a framework of rethinking political organisation beyond both Leninism and parliamentarism is producing qualitatively new results.
ڪيترائي سياسي ذريعا جن موجوده انتهاپسنديءَ جي خلاف سيريزا جي ردعمل کي شڪل ڏني ۽ ان کي هڪ اهڙي مقام تي پهچايو، جنهن ۾ اها منفرد آهي - پر اڃا به مشروط طور تي- يوناني سماج ۾ ڪيترن ئي ماڻهن جي اعتماد تي، ٻين جي آزمائش ۽ غلطي مان ڪافي سکيا جو نتيجو آهن. يورپ ۾ ريڊيڪل پارٽيون ۽ يورپي سوشل فورم جو تجربو.
This essay seeks to contribute towards continuing this dialectic of transnational political learning on the left. By generalising from the distinctive features of Syriza, and also bearing in mind lessons from other experiences where parties with similar ambitions have been unable to sustain their transformative dynamic, I will suggest approaches to problems of political organisation, further consideration of which might help to overcome the quandary of the left.
رياست کي تبديل ڪرڻ
انهن موضوعن تي منهنجو بحث رياست کي تبديل ڪرڻ جي مسئلي تي ڌيان ڏيندو. هي سيريزا لاءِ هڪ وڏو مسئلو آهي ڇاڪاڻ ته اها مهم هلائي ٿي ۽ هڪ خاص طور تي بدعنوان ۽ جمهوري مخالف رياست جي خلاف ۽ آفيس لاءِ تياري ڪري ٿي. پروگرام جي چئن حصن مان هڪ 2009 ۾ Synaspismos جي ميمبرن پاران تيار ڪيو ويو، جيڪو سريزا اتحاد ۾ سڀ کان وڏي پارٽي آهي، جنهن جو عنوان آهي 'رياست جي جوڙجڪ'.
ھن بنيادي مسئلي کي پھچائڻ لاءِ منھنجو فريم ورڪ رياست کان خودمختيار جمهوري تبديليءَ واري طاقت جي ذريعن کي تبديلي جي امڪانن لاءِ فيصلي ڪندڙ طور ڏسي ٿو.
The economic dimension here is crucial. Political change is seriously hindered if it lacks a base in non-capitalist relations of production, including the production of services and culture, however partial and incomplete. At the same time, it must be said that a conflictual engagement in as well as against the state is a necessary condition for systemic change. Such an engagement has to be rooted in, and accountable to, forces for democratic change in society. Without a strategy of this kind to transform and, where necessary, break state power, transformative struggles will recurrently lapse into containable counter-cultures and their potential for the majority of people will be unrealised.
مقامي جمهوريت مان سبق حاصل ڪرڻ
To develop my argument, I draw particularly on the experience of the radical left of the Labour Party in governing London in 1982-86; and that of the Brazilian Workers’ Party (PT) in opening up decisions about new municipal investment to a citywide process of popular participation in Porto Alegre from 1989 until 2004. Despite these cases being well known, their lessons for political organisation have yet to be fully distilled.
For my argument, what is significant is that their achievements – each of the city experiments involved a redistribution of resources and, for a period, power and capacity, from the rich and powerful to the poor and marginalised – depended on opening up to and sharing resources with autonomous sources of democratic power in the cities concerned. In other words, they combined initiatives for change from within government structures with support for developing wider, more radical sources of power outside.
پر اها ڳالهه تمام گهڻي اهميت رکي ٿي ته نه رڳو اهڙي حڪمت عملي برطانيه ۾ ليبر پارٽي کي تبديل ڪرڻ ۾ ناڪام وئي هئي، پر اهو پڻ ظاهر ٿيو ته نه ئي برازيل ۾ پي ٽي هڪ ڀيرو قومي سطح تي چونڊجڻ کان پوءِ اهڙي ٻٽي حڪمت عملي اختيار ڪئي هئي، جيڪا جزوي طور تي. لولا حڪومت جي حدن کي بيان ڪري ٿو ڪيترن ئي اميدن کي پورو ڪرڻ ۾ جيڪا هن بنيادي سماجي تبديلي لاءِ جنم ورتو هو.
In the Greater London Council (GLC) and Porto Alegre experiments political parties used their electoral mandates to move beyond the constraints imposed by the existing system and instead to strengthen and spread challenges to that system. The spirit they embodied can also be seen in widespread campaigns by public service workers and users against privatisation that involve effective strategies to change the way that public services are managed and public money administered, dragging political parties after them.
All these experiences have underlined the importance of struggling to create non-capitalist social relations in the present rather than defer them to ‘after winning power’. Lessons from these local experiences, however, can help the rethinking that is necessary of what political organisation needs to be like in a context of plural sources of transformative power.
In drawing these lessons, we need also to bear in mind that there are further distinct problems in changing state and quasi-state institutions on national and international levels. To understand the wider significance of the way these local political experiences combine a struggle as representatives within the local state with support for democratic movements and initiatives outside, we need to distinguish between two radically distinct meanings of power.
اهي هڪ طرف تبديليءَ جي ظرفيت جي طور تي طاقت آهن ۽ ٻئي طرف تسلط جي طور تي طاقت - جيئن ته طاقت رکندڙن ۽ انهن جي وچ ۾ جن تي طاقت جو استعمال ڪيو وڃي ٿو. اسان اهو چئي سگهون ٿا ته تاريخي طور تي ماس سوشل ڊيموڪريٽڪ پارٽيون ٻئي مفاهمت جي فائدي واري نسخي جي چوڌاري ٺهيل آهن. انهن جون حڪمت عمليون حڪومت ڪرڻ جي طاقت حاصل ڪرڻ ۽ ان کي استعمال ڪرڻ جي بنياد تي ٻڌل آهن انهن کي پورو ڪرڻ لاءِ جيڪي انهن جي سڃاڻپ ماڻهن جي ضرورتن جي طور تي ڪن ٿا.
Both the experiences of the GLC in the early 1980s and the PT in municipal government in the 1990s were attempts to change the state from being a means of domination and exclusion to becoming a resource for transformation by campaigning for electoral office in order then to decentralise and redistribute power. I would argue that in practice Syriza is attempting the same project at a national level.
سريزا ۽ سماجي تبديلي جي متحرڪ
کاٻي ڌر جي روايتي پارٽين جي ابتڙ، سريزا جي سڀ کان خاص خصوصيت اها آهي ته اُها پاڻ کي رڳو تحريڪن جي سياسي نمائندگيءَ جو هڪ وسيلو نه، پر تحريڪن جي اڏاوت ۾ عملي طور شامل ٿيڻ جي حيثيت ۾ ڏسي ٿي. ان جون سياسي جبلتون سماجي انصاف لاءِ تحريڪن جي پکيڙ ۽ مضبوطيءَ ۾ حصو وٺڻ جي ذميواري ڪن ٿيون.
In the weeks following the election of 71 Syriza MPs in June 2012, its leaders stressed the importance of this as central to ‘changing people’s idea of what they can do, developing with them a sense of their capacity for power’, as Andreas Karitzis, one of its key political coordinators, put it. While the party believes state power is necessary, it is clear that, in Karitzis’s terms, ‘what is also decisive is what you are doing in movements and society before seizing power. Eighty per cent of social change cannot come through government.’ This is not just talk.
سماجي تبديليءَ لاءِ حڪمت عملين جو هي نظريو اثر انداز ٿئي ٿو ته ڪيئن سريزا پنهنجي اعليٰ سطحي پارلياماني نمائندگيءَ جي نتيجي ۾ حاصل ٿيندڙ قابل قدر رياستي وسيلا مختص ڪري رهي آهي. پارٽي کي 8 ملين يورو ملندا (تقريباً ٽي ڀيرا ان جي موجوده بجيٽ) ۽ هر ايم پي کي مختص ڪيو ويندو پارليامينٽ طرفان عملي جا پنج ميمبر.
The idea at the time of writing is that a high proportion of the new funds should go to solidarity networks in the neighbourhoods – for example, to employ people to extend initiatives such as social medical centres, to spread what approaches have succeeded, to link, online and face to face, people in the cities with producers of agricultural goods. Funds will also go to strengthening the capacity of the party in parliament, but a greater proportion will be directed towards Syriza’s work in building the extra-parliamentary organisations for social change.
ايم پي ايز لاءِ مختص ڪيل پنجن عملي مان، ٻه سڌو سنئون ايم پي لاءِ ڪم ڪندا. هڪ پاليسي ڪميٽين لاءِ ڪم ڪنديون جيڪي ايم پي ايز ۽ شهري ماهرن کي گڏ ڪن ۽ ٻه پارٽي پاران ملازم ڪيا ويندا ته جيئن تحريڪن ۽ پاڙيسري ۾ ڪم ڪن.
انهن ترجيحن جي پويان هڪ سکيا وارو عمل آهي، جيڪو ٻين يورپي ملڪن ۾ کاٻي ڌر جي پارٽين پاران ڏيکاريل ڪمزورين مان پيدا ٿئي ٿو ته پارلياماني ادارن کي، انهن جي سمورن وسيلن ۽ مراعات سان، انهن کي انهن تحريڪن کان هٽائي ڇڏيو، جن جي سياسي آواز کي انهن جو ارادو ڪيو هو.
پارٽيءَ جي اڏاوت جيتري تحريڪ جي تعمير لاءِ پرعزم
From its origins in 2004 at the height of the alter-globalisation movements (which had a particularly strong impact in Greece), Syriza was at least as concerned with helping to build movements for change in society as with electoral success. There was also a learning process through the European Social Forum and then the Greek Social Forum.
This contributed to not only Syriza’s clear strategic view of the limits of state power for social transformation, but also a self-conscious insistence o
ZNetwork صرف پنهنجي پڙهندڙن جي سخاوت جي ذريعي فنڊ آهي.
موڪليندڙ