Right now, while the horror of the attacks in Mumbai is reverberating around the world and tensions between India and Pakistan are mounting, there is a crucial move that President-elect Obama could make to chart a positive course forward. Obama should renounce the "war on terror."

 

Ka yi tunani game da shi: tun lokacin da aka fara buɗe banner ɗin ban mamaki na ma'ana, da adadin da tsananin hare-haren ta'addanci ya karu ne kawai . Mumbai is just the latest battle-front. And in the seven years since George Bush put the world on notice with his "you’re either with us or with the terrorists" declaration, the US has actually managed to taimaka wa kungiyoyin da ke amfani da ta'addanci. That’s because the "war on terror" has led millions of people to conclude that the US is an even greater threat to their safety and freedom than Al Qaeda and other violent fringe groups. 

 

Kuma wa zai iya zarge su? Bayan haka, George Bush da Dick Cheney a zahiri sun ayyana duk duniya a matsayin fagen fama- kuma har abada. A karkashin tutar "yakin da ta'addanci," Amurka ta hambarar da wani mai mulki, idan m, gwamnati (Iraq), ta tattake Yarjejeniya ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya (mamayar 2003), azabtar da fursunoni ("Ingantattun dabarun tambayoyi" don faɗi Gwamnatin Bush Nazis), da makamai a fili da kuma ba da tallafi ga rundunonin kisa ("Zaɓin Salvador"), kuma sun saukar da doka kan lissafin gwamnatoci ga ƙa'idodin haƙƙin ɗan adam da 'yancin ɗan adam a duniya.

 

Now, the Indian government is poised to go down the same road. Leaders of India‘s main opposition party, the Hindu-nationalist BJP, are suna neman gwamnatinsu ta yi aiki kamar yadda Amurka ta yi bayan 9-11. They see no reason that India shouldn’t avail itself of the same strong-arm tactics that the Bush Administration has enjoyed—and legitimized.

 

Ga dalili: Hare-haren ta'addanci ba ayyukan yaki ne da za a mayar da martani ga wani nau'i ba, amma laifukan cin zarafin bil'adama ne. A matsayinsu na laifuffuka, ya kamata a binciki su, a kuma hukunta wadanda suka aikata laifin. Muna da rukunin dokokin kasa da kasa da cibiyoyi da ake bukata don yin adalci na gaskiya a sakamakon hare-haren ta'addanci. Mu yi amfani da su. Kuma mu yi watsi da al’adar hadin gwiwa ta lumana a tsakanin gwamnatoci (za mu bukaci hakan ko ta yaya, don tunkarar koma bayan tattalin arzikin duniya da sauyin yanayi).

 

Darussan shekaru bakwai da suka gabata, shi ne, babu wata hanyar soji da za ta magance ta’addanci; cewa mayar da martani na soja kawai yana ciyar da rukunin sojojin da ke ba da tallafi ga ta'addanci; cewa yaki da ta'addanci yana kara karfin masu tsattsauran ra'ayi a bangarorin biyu da kuma rufe fagen tattaunawa, diflomasiyya da kuma ladabi.

 

Wannan shine sakon da muke bukata mu isar da babbar murya ga zababben shugaba Obama da sabuwar tawagarsa ta manufofin ketare. Wataƙila ba za mu iya gyara duk ɓarnar da gwamnatin Bush ta yi ba, amma za mu iya buƙatar sabuwar alkibla, farawa tare da mai da martani mai ƙarfi na haƙƙin ɗan adam ga zalunci a Mumbai.

 

Many people in India and Pakistan are calling for just such a response from their governments. Those of us in the US should demand no less of the incoming administration. The best thing President-elect Obama could do to chart a new and improved US foreign policy is to renounce the "war on terror."

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