Stòr: Ramzybaroud.net
Photo by Eli Unger/Shutterstock
Much has been said and written about media bias and double standards in the West’s response to the Russia-Ukraine war, when compared with other wars and military conflicts across the world, especially in the Middle East and the Global South. Less obvious is how such hypocrisy is a reflection of a much larger phenomenon that governs the West’s relationship with war and conflict zones.
Air 19 Màrt, bha Iorac a’ comharrachadh an 19mh ceann-bliadhna of the US invasion which killed, according to tuairmsean beaga, còrr air millean Iorac. Bha builean a’ chogaidh sin a cheart cho sgriosail ’s a chuir e às do roinn an Ear Mheadhanach gu lèir, a’ leantainn gu diofar chogaidhean catharra agus neach-ionaid. Tha an saoghal Arabach a’ ruidhleadh fon eòlas uamhasach sin chun an latha an-diugh.
Cuideachd, air 19 Màrt, chaidh an eleventh anniversary de chogadh NATO an aghaidh Libia air a chomharrachadh agus air a leantainn, còig latha às deidh sin, leis an 23mh ceann-bliadhna de chogadh NATO an aghaidh Iugoslabhia. Mar a h-uile cogadh fo stiùir NATO bho thòisich an caidreachas ann an 1949, dh’ adhbhraich na cogaidhean sin sgrios farsaing agus cìsean bàis uamhasach.
Chan eil gin de na cogaidhean sin, a’ tòiseachadh le NATO eadar-theachd ann an Rubha Corea ann an 1950, air gin de na roinnean cogaidh a dhèanamh seasmhach. Tha Iorac fhathast cho so-leònte ri ceannairc agus taobh a-muigh eadar-theachdan armachd agus, ann an iomadh dòigh, tha i fhathast na dùthaich le daoine. Tha Libia air a roinn am measg diofar champaichean cogaidh, agus tha tilleadh gu cogadh catharra fhathast na fhìor chomas.
Yet, enthusiasm for war remains high, as if over seventy years of failed military interventions have not taught us any meaningful lessons. Daily, news headlines tell us that the US, the UK, Canada, Germany, Spain or some other western power air co-dhùnadh to ship a new kind of ‘armachd mharbhtach’ to Ukraine. Billions of dollars have already been allocated by Western countries to contribute to the war in Ukraine.
An coimeas ri sin, cha deach mòran a dhèanamh gus àrd-ùrlaran a thabhann airson fuasglaidhean dioplòmasach, neo-fhòirneartach. Tha dòrlach de dhùthchannan anns an Ear Mheadhanach, Afraga agus Àisia air eadar-mheadhanachadh a thabhann no air fuasgladh dioplòmasach iarraidh air a’ chogadh, ag argamaid, as China’s foreign ministry reiterated on March 18, that “all sides need to jointly support Russia and Ukraine in having dialogue and negotiation that will produce results and lead to peace”.
Ged a tha briseadh uachdranas dùthaich sam bith mì-laghail fo lagh eadar-nàiseanta, agus tha e na fhìor bhriseadh air an Cùmhnant nan Dùthchannan Aonaichte, chan eil seo a’ ciallachadh gur e fòirneart an aon fhuasgladh air fòirneart. Chan urrainn seo a bhith nas fìor ann an cùis na Ruis agus na h-Ucrain, mar stàit de cogadh catharra air a bhith ann an taobh an ear na h-Ugràin airson ochd bliadhna, a’ buain mhìltean de bheatha agus a’ toirt air falbh choimhearsnachdan slàn bho shìth no tèarainteachd sam bith. Chan urrainn dha armachd NATO dèiligeadh ri bun-adhbharan na strì coitcheann seo. Air an làimh eile, chan urrainn dhaibh ach a chonnadh nas fhaide.
If more weapons were the answer, the conflict would have been resolved years ago. According to the BBC, the US has already allocated $2.7bn to Ukraine over the last eight years, long before the current war. This massive arsenal gabhail a-steach“anti-tank and anti-armor weapons … US-made sniper (rifles), ammunition and accessories”.
The speed with which additional military aid has poured into Ukraine following the Russian military operations on February 24 is unprecedented in modern history. This raises not only political or legal questions, but moral questions as well – the eagerness to fund war and the lack of enthusiasm to help countries rebuild.
After 21 years of US war and ionnsaigh à Afganastan, agus mar thoradh air èiginn daonnachd agus fògarraich, tha Kabul a-nis gu ìre mhòr air fhàgail leis fhèin. An t-Sultain an-uiridh, chuir buidheann fògarraich an UN rabhadh that “a major humanitarian crisis is looming in Afghanistan”, yet nothing has been done to address this ‘looming’ crisis, which has greatly worsened since then.
Afghani refugees are rarely welcomed in Europe. The same is true for refugees coming from Iraq, Syria, Libya, Mali and other conflicts that directly or indirectly involved NATO. This hypocrisy is accentuated when we consider iomairtean eadar-nàiseanta a tha ag amas air taic a thoirt dha fògarraich cogaidh, no ath-thogail eaconamaidhean dhùthchannan a tha fo chogadh.
Dèan coimeas eadar an dìth dealas ann a bhith a’ toirt taic do dhùthchannan a tha fo chogadh agus euphoria gun choimeas an Iar ann a bhith a’ toirt armachd don Úcráin. Gu mì-fhortanach, chan fhada gus am bi na milleanan de dh’ fhògarraich Ucràineach a dh’ fhàg an dùthaich aca o chionn beagan sheachdainnean gu bhith nan a eallach air an Roinn Eòrpa, mar sin fo ùmhlachd an aon sheòrsa càineadh prìomh-shruthach agus ionnsaighean as fhaide air falbh.
Ged a tha e fìor gu bheil beachd an Iar air an Úcráin eadar-dhealaichte from its attitude towards victims of western interventions, one has to be careful before supposing that the ‘privileged’ Ukrainains will ultimately be better off than the victims of war throughout the Middle East. As the war drags on, Ukraine will continue to suffer, either the direct impact of the war or the collective trauma that will surely follow. The amassing of NATO weapons in Ukraine, as was the case of Libya, will likely backfire. In Libya, Armachd NATO fueled the country’s decade long cogadh catharra.
Feumaidh an Úcráin sìth agus tèarainteachd, chan e cogadh sìorraidh a tha air a dhealbhadh gus frithealadh air ùidhean ro-innleachdail dhùthchannan sònraichte no caidreachasan armachd. Ged a dh’ fheumar ionnsaighean armachd a dhiùltadh gu tur, ge bith an ann ann an Iorac no san Úcráin, chan e a bhith a’ tionndadh na h-Ucrain gu bhith na raon goireasach eile de strì geopolitical sìorraidh eadar NATO agus an Ruis am freagairt.
- Tha an Dr. Ramzy Baroud na neach-naidheachd agus na neach-deasachaidh air The Palestine Chronicle. Tha e na ùghdar air sia leabhraichean. Is e an leabhar as ùire aige, air a cho-dheasachadh le Ilan Pappé, “Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak out”. Tha Baroud na Àrd Chompanach Rannsachaidh Neo-chòmhnaidheach aig an Ionad airson Islam agus Cùisean Cruinneil (CIGA). Tha an làrach-lìn aige www.ramzybaroud.net
Tha ZNetwork air a mhaoineachadh a-mhàin tro fhialaidheachd an luchd-leughaidh.
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