The revelation that Scott Roeder, the alleged murderer of Dr. George Tiller, belonged to an anti-government, white separatist group called the Montana Freemen might seem like an unlikely twist. After all, such groups are generally thought of as either indifferent to the issue of abortion or actively enthusiastic about its potential for reducing the nonwhite population. As it turns out, however, the journey from radical racialist to anti-abortionist isn’t as unusual as you might think.
Roeder’s connections to the right-wing fringe began well over a decade ago, according to the Kansas City Star . His ex-wife, Lindsey, said that after a few years of marriage, Roeder became increasingly involved with the Freemen and its anti-government ideology. "The anti-tax stuff came first, and then it grew and grew. He became very anti-abortion…That’s all he cared about is anti-abortion. ‘The church is this. God is this.’ Yadda yadda." Noting that she vehemently disagreed with her ex-husband’s views, Lindsey Roeder told the Star that he moved out in 1994. "I thought he was over the edge with that stuff," she said. "He started falling apart. I had to protect myself and my son."
In 1996, Roeder was arrested in
Roeder and the Freemen belonged to a little-recognized nativist political movement that began in the early 20th century, flared up periodically, and then ripped through the American heartland during the farm depression of the mid-1980s. This movement was often called "the posse," after a core group named the Posse Comitatus. Like any political movement, it consisted of a myriad of shifting entities that appeared and disappeared. But even though the names of the groups often changed, they all held tightly to the notion that the true white sovereigns, who had rightfully been given this land by God, were being threatened by "inferior races" creeping across the borders from
Over the years, this movement has encompassed various remnants of the Ku Klux Klan, what was left of Lincoln Rockwell’s Nazis, the national socialists of William Pierce, and skinheads. Sometimes, adherents of the Posse ideology operated underground. Sometimes, they attempted to win support via electoral politics, like the white supremacist David Duke, who ran numerous times for statewide and national office. Terry Nichols, who along with Timothy McVeigh carried out the
The Freemen aimed to rid the nation of "14th Amendment citizens" — anyone who wasn’t a white Anglo Saxon directly descended from God. Nonwhites, or "mud people," weren’t really people at all, but God’s failed attempts to create Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. A bad Xerox copy, they used to say. These beliefs derived from a school of thought known as Christian Identity, which holds that Jews, blacks, and other minorities aren’t actually people and therefore don’t deserve constitutional rights. Instead, those rights are reserved for so-called "white Sovereigns," who aim to take over government and run it through grand juries of the people, with laws enforced by old-time posses.
The Freemen achieved notoriety in 1995, when they moved into a foreclosed farm in
One might think that the divisions between pro-life Christians and far-right racists would preclude any sort of working alliance. Evangelical Christians thought that the creation of
In the early and mid-’80s, however, the racialist underground often railed against abortion. I wrote about this development in the Village Voice:
Bob Mathews, leader of a terror gang known as The Order, saw abortion as the suicide of the white race. Jim Wickstrom, the Christian Identity leader of another underground terror group called the Posse Comitatus, ranted against Jewish doctors and nurses who engaged in abortion. Posse screeds claimed the space program was part of a plot to get rid of aborted fetuses by blasting them into space.
By the 1990s, the far right had started to attack abortion clinics. Ray Lampley, a far-right racialist in
What was the bridge between the posse movement and anti-abortionist fanaticism? The Sovereign crowd viewed women as chattel, and the prospect of an independent woman deciding to seek an abortion didn’t sit well with them. I gained some insight into this line of thinking in another piece I once wrote about a young woman in
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