Neo-liberalism, bii ologbo olokiki, dabi pe o ni awọn igbesi aye mẹsan ni Polandii. Igbiyanju lati ge ipinle pada ki o fun ni agbara ọfẹ si ọja naa ti jiya o kere ju awọn iriri iku mẹta mẹta. Ibẹrẹ “itọju ailera mọnamọna” ti ipilẹṣẹ nipasẹ Leszek Balcerowicz ni ijọba ti o somọ Solidarity akọkọ ni ọdun 1990 ṣe ipilẹṣẹ iru alainiṣẹ giga ati aibanujẹ awujọ ti awọn oludibo ti yọ awọn oloselu Neo-liberal akọkọ wọnyi kuro ni ọfiisi ati rọpo wọn pẹlu awọn Komunisiti iṣaaju. Ṣugbọn o wa ni pe awọn Komunisiti tẹlẹ jẹ diẹ sii ju idunnu lati ṣe iru iru awọn atunṣe ọja austerity kanna bi awọn ti ṣaju wọn - pẹlu awọn abajade kanna. Ati awọn ti wọn ju bajẹ won booted lati ọfiisi.
The global financial crisis that swept the world after 2007 should have been the final nail in the coffin for the neo-liberal model, for hadn’t the unregulated market nearly sent the global economy into an irreversible tailspin? And yet, globally, neo-liberalism didn’t die. This was because of what Colin Crouch, in his book Awọn ajeji ti kii-ikú ti Neo-Liberalism, n pe ni "Keenesianism ti ikọkọ." Apapo ijọba idasile ati awọn ohun elo ọja tuntun pese kirẹditi rọrun fun awọn talaka ati kilasi aarin ati “awọn itọsẹ” ti o ni owo fun awọn ọlọrọ. Botilẹjẹpe awọn ọna ṣiṣe wọnyi kọlu lakoko aawọ naa, wọn ni diẹ sii tabi kere si ti o wa ni mimule, rirọpo fun kini ni akoko iṣaaju yoo jẹ awọn eto atilẹyin ijọba.
Poland, meanwhile, managed to avoid the worst effects of the financial crisis. Indeed, the Polish economy even grew modestly during the period when virtually the entire rest of Europe slumped. But of course Poland had an additional source of covert Keynesian funds: Europe.
"Ni Polandii, ijọba ni ọrọ-ọrọ neoliberal ṣugbọn iṣe ti Keynesian," Michal Sutowski salaye ninu ifọrọwanilẹnuwo kan ni kafe Warsaw ni August 2013. "A ni owo ti Keynesian ti owo lati Europe: 2.3 ogorun ti Polish GDP ni ọdun kọọkan n bọ ni ọdun kọọkan lati EU. Ṣugbọn ijọba tun n dun neoliberal nitori igberaga rẹ ni nini isuna isọdọkan ati tun jẹ gbese gbogbo eniyan kekere. Gbese ti gbogbo eniyan si ipin GDP wa ni ayika 53 ogorun. ”
Sutowski jẹ lori awọn osise ti Krytyka Polityczna, the Polish Left movement devoted to critical thinking and political action. He focuses a great deal these days on the structural problems of the Polish economy.
“Idijedije Polandi da lori iṣẹ olowo poku, kii ṣe lori isọdọtun, eyiti a rii bi eewu pupọ ati gbowolori,” o sọ fun mi. “Ninu pq iṣelọpọ agbaye, a wa ni aaye kekere kuku. A ṣe daradara daradara lori awọn okeere nitori a ko ni Euro. Iye ti zloty ti jẹ ohun kekere, eyiti o dara fun ile-iṣẹ okeere. Ni ọwọ miiran, a gbejade pupọ si Germany bi awọn alasepo ti ile-iṣẹ Jamani, ti o tun ṣe okeere si awọn miiran. Aṣeyọri okeere okeere ti Jamani n pa iyoku EU run, ṣugbọn ni akoko kukuru o ni awọn anfani fun Polandii. Ti wọn ba ṣe daradara, awa gẹgẹ bi awọn alagbaṣe abẹlẹ tun ṣe daradara. ”
The failure of the state to invest in R & D, to effectively allow the European market to determine Poland’s low position on the production scale, has kept neo-liberalism alive in Poland but at a significant cost.
"Ti o ba gbiyanju lati dije pẹlu olowo poku laala, o ṣẹda kan igbekale isoro," Sutowski salaye. “A ni oṣuwọn alainiṣẹ giga, ju 13 ogorun (ati ju 20 ogorun laarin awọn ọdọ). Ibeere ile ti ko lagbara pupọ wa nitori ọpọlọpọ awọn eniyan alainiṣẹ lo wa ti, nigbati wọn ba ṣiṣẹ, gba owo diẹ ni isanwo. Ni igba pipẹ, iyipada ti ọja iṣẹ ni idapo pẹlu awọn owo-owo kekere npa olu-ilu eniyan run. Awọn eniyan ṣi jade, lati wa awọn iṣẹ tabi ti wọn ba ni awọn ireti nla lati kọ ẹkọ ara wọn. Die e sii ju eniyan miliọnu 1.5 ti lọ kuro ni Polandii: iye eniyan ti o tobi julọ lati lọ kuro ni akoko alaafia ni Polandii. Circle buburu ni. O sanwo awọn eniyan ti o kere pupọ, ati pe wọn ko ni awọn iwuri lati kọ ẹkọ ara wọn siwaju sii. Nitorinaa o ko le ṣe eto-ọrọ ti o da lori oye pẹlu ipele giga ti imotuntun. Ni igba diẹ, ọja ti o ni irọrun ṣe iranlọwọ, ṣugbọn o jẹ buburu lori igba pipẹ. O ṣe idẹruba ilọsiwaju si eto-ọrọ aje pẹlu ipele isọdọtun giga kan. ”
We talked about how he became involved with Krytyka Polityczna, why he doesn’t like the term “civil society,” and why he considers the creation of the European Union one of the greatest innovations in history.
Atẹle naa
Bawo ni o ṣe kopa ninu Krytyka Polityczna fun igba akọkọ?
Lodi appeared in public in 2002. At that time I was 17 years old. I come from a mid-sized city on the Baltic sea coast: Koszalin. I was in school at the time. In 2003-4, I saw the fourth or fifth issue of Lodi in some bookstore. I was interested in politics, and I wanted to start reading something more in depth about what was happening. This was an issue on the European Union, which was a big topic at the time. It was the year Poland entered the EU. This was the first time I saw the magazine.
After two years, I came to study in Warsaw at the Interfaculty College of Humanities. I was studying political science mainly. After the first year, I met Slawek Sierakowski, who was the editor-in-chief of Lodi. Awọn ẹlẹgbẹ diẹ ati Emi ni o nifẹ - diẹ sii nifẹ si ju ipa lọ - ninu iṣelu. A wà leftist o lawọ tabi centrist leftist. A ṣeto ẹgbẹ ọmọ ile-iwe kan ati ṣeto diẹ ninu awọn ariyanjiyan. Pupọ julọ awọn ọmọ ẹgbẹ jẹ agbẹjọro ọdọ. Emi ko ni ofin, ṣugbọn Mo nifẹ si awọn akọle bii ominira ọrọ-ọrọ. A ni ifọwọkan pẹlu Slawek. Ó ràn mí lọ́wọ́ díẹ̀ nípa ṣíṣètò ìpàdé, ní fífún mi ní ìkànsí sí ẹnì kan tí mo fẹ́ pè— Kinga Dunin – and convincing her to participate. The next year, I attended the seminar he organized about the history and philosophy of ideas on the Left, from Hegel to the late socialists of the 19th orundun.
Lẹ́yìn ìyẹn, mo bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí í wá sípàdé àti àríyànjiyàn ti Krytyka. Wọn pe mi - Mo sọ pe "wọn" nitori pe mo wa ni ita ni akoko yẹn - nigbati wọn n gbiyanju lati ṣeto iṣeduro nla kan ni ile-ẹkọ giga ti o lodi si minisita ti ẹkọ-ọtun, Roman Giertych. Iṣẹlẹ naa ko ṣẹlẹ, ṣugbọn sibẹ Mo kopa ninu awọn ipade igbaradi kan tabi meji. Imọran mi jẹ ẹdun diẹ sii, ju ọgbọn lọ. "Oh ọlọrun," Mo ro, "Eyi ni awọn KOR ti oni.”
Krytyka wa ninu aṣa atọwọdọwọ yii ti atako Leftist Polish lati opin awọn ọdun 1960: Jacek Kuron ati Karol Modzelewski, ẹgbẹ Komandosi pẹlu Adam Michnik ni Ile-ẹkọ giga Warsaw. Mo ti ka ohun pupọ nipa wọn ni ile-iwe. Eyi ni aṣa mi, ati pe awọn wọnyi ni awọn akọni mi. Mo lọ sí ìpàdé kan ní ilé pẹlẹbẹ Kinga Dunin, tó jẹ́ ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ alátakò ní àwọn ọdún 1970. Afẹfẹ yi ti mimu oti fodika, siga siga (wọn ṣe, Emi ko ṣe), ati sisọ nipa iṣelu ni ipele ti o jẹ dani pupọ ninu awọn ikowe ni ẹka ti imọ-jinlẹ iṣelu. Ninu ẹka imọ-jinlẹ iṣelu, wọn kan ko nifẹ lati sọrọ nipa iṣelu! Nítorí náà, mo ti taratara fà si Krytyka.
Nigbati Krytyka ṣii aaye akọkọ rẹ ni opopona Chmielna, Mo bẹrẹ iranlọwọ pẹlu diẹ ninu awọn nkan ti iṣeto, pẹlu ṣiṣatunṣe. Lẹ́yìn oṣù bíi mélòó kan, Slawek dábàá pé kí n dara pọ̀ mọ́ wọn. Dajudaju Mo sọ bẹẹni. Eyi wa ni ọdun 2007. Nitorina, Mo ti wa pẹlu Krytyka fun ọdun mẹfa ati idaji: ṣiṣe diẹ ninu awọn iṣẹ imọ-ẹrọ, kikọ diẹ, diẹ ninu itumọ, diẹ ninu atunṣe. Mo tun ti n ṣiṣẹ ni ile-ẹkọ giga ti a bẹrẹ ni ọdun to kọja, kikọ fun oju opo wẹẹbu ati ṣiṣe awọn ifọrọwanilẹnuwo kan, nigbagbogbo lori koko ọrọ-aje, eyiti o jẹ mi ide fixe ni awọn ọdun diẹ sẹhin. Gẹ́gẹ́ bí aṣojú Krytyka kan, mo tún ti sọ̀rọ̀ sísọ nínú àwọn ilé iṣẹ́ agbéròyìnjáde, bíi ti ilé iṣẹ́ rédíò Talk FM, tí ó jẹ́ rédíò olóṣèlú jù lọ ní Poland tàbí lórí tẹlifíṣọ̀n gbogbogbò. Mo tun kọ apakan ti awọn igbero fifunni ti o ṣe alaye idi ti o yẹ ki a gba owo naa ati idi ti ohun ti a ṣe jẹ o wuyi.
Njẹ o ti lọ kuro ni ẹka imọ-jinlẹ iṣelu bi?
Mo gboye. Mo kọ iwe-ẹkọ oluwa mi lori isọdọtun Konsafetifu gẹgẹbi iṣẹ akanṣe iṣelu ti Vladimir Putin ni Russia lakoko igba keji rẹ. University je pataki fun mi, sugbon ko ni oselu Imọ Oluko, eyi ti o jẹ ko dara julọ. O da, Mo wa ni kọlẹji interfaculty, eyiti o fun mi ni aye lati lọ si awọn iṣẹ ikẹkọ ni awọn ẹka oriṣiriṣi - ni imọ-jinlẹ, imọ-jinlẹ, imọ-jinlẹ awujọ ti a lo, awọn ẹkọ aṣa, ati bẹbẹ lọ. Iyẹn ni mo ti pade ọpọlọpọ awọn eniyan ti o nifẹ si ati awọn olukọni ti o ni iwuri, paapaa ni Institute of Sociology, bii Maciej Gdula ati Marta Bucholtz.
I was considering a Ph.D., but I didn’t have time. I’m now considering economics, but I’m not so good at math. So the only place I could do the degree is the Polish Academy of Science because their program of study focuses more on social science and less on mathematics. So, maybe next year.
Nigbati o dagba, ṣe idile rẹ jẹ oloselu? Nibo ni anfani rẹ ti wa?
My family was not very engaged politically. Ideologically it was not very radical, more centrist liberal, but still it supported Unii Democraticzna, ẹgbẹ ti awọn ọlọgbọn Polandii pẹlu ipilẹ ti o han gbangba ni alatako. Ìdílé mi ò sí nínú àtakò. Wọn jẹ aṣoju, ko ṣiṣẹ pupọ ni boya awọn ẹgbẹ ti rogbodiyan oloselu. Ṣugbọn lẹhin 1989, wọn ṣe atilẹyin akọkọ ti iyipada, eyiti o tọju ọja ọfẹ kii ṣe bi arosọ ṣugbọn dipo bi nkan ti o han gbangba, adayeba. Yi atijo ipo wà ni ọpọlọpọ awọn ọna sustained nipasẹ awọn ọrọ tiIwe iroyin Wyborcza, the biggest and most influential newspaper at the time. The political line of Gazeta dominated their opinions, and mine too until the end of high school. I was at that time a kind of centrist liberal as well. My shift to the Left – and Krytyka is clearly a leftist organization – came much later, in university.
Gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọmọdé, mo máa ń wo ìròyìn tẹlifíṣọ̀n nígbà gbogbo. Nígbà tí mo wà lọ́mọ ọdún mẹ́jọ, mo rántí àwọn àwòrán látinú ìròyìn nípa ogun tó wáyé ní Bosnia àti Chechnya. Gẹgẹ bi ọmọde, Mo mọ ohun ti n ṣẹlẹ, ṣugbọn dajudaju imọ mi jẹ ohun ti o ga julọ, ati pe Mo rii awọn iṣẹlẹ lọwọlọwọ bi nkan ti o wuyi, bi ohun ti o nifẹ si ju aramada lọ. Ní ilé ẹ̀kọ́ gíga, mo bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí í múra sílẹ̀ fún ìdíje orílẹ̀-èdè kan tó dán ìmọ̀ nípa Poland àti ayé òde òní wò. O je o kun oselu nkan na. Ọdun kan Mo gbe kẹrin ni Polandii, ọdun miiran ni keje. Nibẹ je kan gidigidi iru idije ni EU, ati ki o Mo gbe ni oke 10. Eleyi je ko gan fafa imo. O jẹ awọn otitọ: awọn ọjọ, awọn orukọ, ati bẹbẹ lọ. Sugbon si tun o je awon. Lati mura silẹ fun idije, o ko le ka awọn iwe nikan. O ni lati ni imọ alaye pupọ ti awọn iṣẹlẹ lọwọlọwọ. Oṣù mẹ́fà ṣáájú ìdíje náà, mò ń kàwé Iwe iroyin Wyborcza gbogbo ọjọ ati kikojọ gbogbo awọn pataki mon.
Ọdun ti mo pari ile-iwe giga ni ọdun ti o kẹhin ninu eto ile-iwe atijọ yẹn ati ọdun ti a wọ EU. Fun awọn ti wa ni ile-iwe giga ti o dara ati pẹlu awọn ifojusọna to dara ti wiwa si ile-ẹkọ giga ti o dara ati nini ọjọ iwaju to dara, Yuroopu ni utopia ti o kẹhin. Ọ̀rọ̀ àsọyé òmìnira tí ó gbajúmọ̀ ń sọ pé èyí jẹ́ ìpìlẹ̀ kan tí a nílò láti dé. Àmọ́ ṣá o, wọ́n nílò ìsapá. Ṣugbọn nigba ti a ba de ibẹ, yoo yanju ọpọlọpọ awọn iṣoro Polandi pupọ. Yoo ṣe iranlọwọ bori itan-akọọlẹ iku ti Polandii ti ijakadi nigbagbogbo fun ominira lodi si awọn ọta oriṣiriṣi. Ni awọn ọrọ miiran, itan nipa opin itan kii ṣe nipa 1989 ati opin Communism. O ni nkan ṣe pẹlu iwọle Polandi si EU. Eyi ni awọn abajade paradoxical. Gẹgẹbi Alexander Smolar ṣe alaye, ijatil Konsafetifu ti awọn ologun ominira ni ọdun 2005 ṣẹlẹ nitori iṣẹ akanṣe iṣelu nla yii ti awọn olominira - gbigba pada si Yuroopu - ti ṣe, ati pe awọn ominira ko ni miiran.
Fun awọn eniyan ti o fẹ lati kopa ninu igbesi aye gbogbo eniyan, gẹgẹ bi mo ti ṣe nigbati mo jẹ ọdun 14 tabi 15, iṣelu jẹ iwunilori, nitori ipo pato ti Polandii darapọ mọ EU ni akoko yẹn. O yatọ si ni agbaye Oorun. Ti o ko ba jẹ ilodi si agbaye, ati pe Emi kii ṣe, lẹhinna o jẹ hedonistic diẹ sii, iṣalaye si igbesi aye ikọkọ ati aṣeyọri ikọkọ. Nibi o jẹ iyatọ diẹ. Iselu jẹ boya kii ṣe nkan ti a nilo lati ni ipa taara, ṣugbọn o ni ipa lori igbesi aye wa. Circle mi ni ile-iwe giga jẹ ominira pupọ. Nigbamii o jẹ idiju diẹ sii nitori aawọ ni ọdun 2008 yi ohun gbogbo pada. O tun ṣe awọn eniyan ni iselu, kii ṣe awọn alatako agbaye nikan, ṣugbọn awọn ti o sọ pe wọn jẹ awọn agbedemeji oye ti o wọpọ. Ko han gbangba diẹ sii lati jẹ pro-European, botilẹjẹpe ipele atilẹyin ni Polandii fun isọpọ EU jẹ giga gaan. Mo jẹ olutayo Euro nigbagbogbo. Bóyá nígbà tí mo pé ọmọ ọdún mẹ́ẹ̀ẹ́dógún [15], ìtara yìí ni a fi hàn ní ti pé ó ń lòdì sí ìfẹ́ orílẹ̀-èdè ẹni. Bayi o ti ṣe afihan diẹ sii ni awọn ofin ti agbaye agbaye ati titọju ipo awujọ ni ipele ti o yatọ.
Mo gbagbọ gaan pe EU jẹ ọkan ninu awọn aṣeyọri nla ninu ẹda eniyan, lẹgbẹẹ awọn ipinlẹ iranlọwọ Scandinavian tabi Deal Tuntun. Wọn jẹri pe ilọsiwaju ṣee ṣe. EU jẹ nkan ti o tọ lati fipamọ fun idi yẹn. Dajudaju iṣoro naa ni pe Polandii nigbagbogbo jẹ oluwoye ere nla ti itan-akọọlẹ. Ipa oselu wa ko tun tobi pupọ. Ni awọn ofin ti awọn orilẹ-ede, Polandii jẹ alailagbara pupọ, ati pe o ni ipa ti ko lagbara lori Yuroopu. Ṣugbọn o n ṣiṣẹda itara Pro-European laarin awọn NGO ati awọn agbeka awujọ ti o le yi oju-aye pada lati ilodi si ni ojurere ti Yuroopu iṣọkan kan.
Ni ipo Polish, Yuroopu jẹ koko-ọrọ nla kan. Koko miiran jẹ iyipada ati iwọn ọrọ-aje rẹ - aidogba ti o dide, imukuro awujọ ti awọn ẹya nla ti awujọ, aibikita laarin arosọ ti kapitalisimu Polandi gẹgẹbi agbegbe adayeba fun kilasi arin ati otitọ eto-ọrọ ti aidogba dagba ati idagbasoke ti o da lori iṣẹ olowo poku . O ko le kọ kan iranlọwọ ni ipinle lori poku laala. Nitoribẹẹ, ipinlẹ nigbagbogbo n ṣe laja ni agbara pupọ ninu eto-ọrọ aje. Ni ori yii, ipinle kii ṣe iṣoro naa ṣugbọn ojutu - botilẹjẹpe ilana ọgbọn gbogbogbo fun awọn elite ti jẹ neoliberal.
The third major topic here is cultural questions: the very strict abortion law, the role and position of the Catholic Church, and the emancipation of minorities.
Why did Krytyka emerge when it did and why has it proven more successful than other independent Left formations elsewhere in the region?
Ni Polandii ko si Osi. Nibẹ ni o wa ranse si-Communists ati awọn olkan ominira. Nitori ti wọn cynicism ati pragmatism, awọn post-Communists wa ni neoliberal ni awọn ofin ti aje ati oyimbo Konsafetifu ni awọn ofin ti asa. Nitoribẹẹ a n gbe ni orilẹ-ede ti o ni ohun-ini buburu pupọ ti apa osi Communist, ati pe awujọ awujọ ni a ranti bi eto eto-ọrọ-aje ti ko ṣiṣẹ ti iṣakoso aṣẹ ati eto eto-ọrọ aje. Nitorinaa, akọkọ a ni lati gba Osi pada. Eyi gba akoko bi daradara bi diẹ ninu awọn iṣẹ ọgbọn. Gẹgẹbi Gramsci ṣe ariyanjiyan, akọkọ o ni lati ṣẹgun ni ipele ti awọn imọran, ni ipele ti aṣa. Kini idi ti ko si ẹgbẹ osi ni Polandii? Nitoripe o fẹrẹ jẹ pe ko ṣee ṣe lati ṣe agbekalẹ ọna osi si ọrọ-aje ni media akọkọ. Awọn ẹgbẹ osi kekere wa lori awọn ala. Ṣugbọn wọn ko pe wọn si awọn media akọkọ.
So, first, we had to explain what the Left is. One of the first books we published – Przewodnik Lewicy – was a guide to what the Left means today. Theoretically it was based in part on Chantal Mouffe’s yii ti ijoba tiwantiwa agonistic. The liberal public sphere is superficially very inclusive. In fact, however, this consensual model excludes quite a lot of views and approaches because they are not perceived as political positions. They are deemed to be irrational. If you had different views on the economy, then you were labeled populist or demagogical.
That’s why we had to introduce or reintroduce these ideas into the public sphere and do that with different means. We didn’t just write articles or papers. We also published quite a lot in the mainstream media that wanted to stimulate pluralism. We were seen as a good opportunity for that because we were young, not Communist, and speaking of something new.
Krytyka started with an Open Letter to European Public Opinion. This letter, published in Le Monde, El Pais, atiSuddeutsche Zeitung, was signed by 200 Polish intellectuals in favor of more open, more federalist European policy by the Polish government, which was nominally leftist at the time. Krytyka organized this letter, and there was a big response. Sierakowski and the professors who signed the letter were invited to the presidential palace for a big conference on this topic.
Apa kan ti o lawọ tabi atijo ore, fun apẹẹrẹ ni Iwe iroyin Wyborcza, ti o wa ni ọfẹ-ọja-ọja lori eto-ọrọ aje ṣugbọn o ṣii ni awọn wiwo wọn nipa iṣọpọ Europe. Yuroopu ti o ṣii diẹ sii dara fun wọn. A ni atilẹyin diẹ ni ibẹrẹ. Ṣugbọn ohun pataki julọ ni agbara wa lati ko awọn eniyan jọ. Iwe irohin wa ni a ṣeto ni otitọ lati ṣeto milieu kan - kii ṣe lati gbe iwe irohin ọgbọn miiran jade nikan - eyiti kii ṣe awọn ọjọgbọn nikan lati imọ-jinlẹ oloselu, eto-ọrọ, ati imọ-ọrọ ṣugbọn tun awọn oṣere wiwo, awọn oṣere fiimu, ati awọn ajafitafita awujọ. Lẹhinna dajudaju awọn arakunrin Kaczynski wa. Ko si ọkan ninu awọn atijo gbọye wọn aseyori. A gbiyanju lati se alaye idi ti nipasẹ Mouffe ati Laclau ká yii ti populism, that this was a symptom of people who were excluded in a nonpolitical way through labels such as “irrational” or “mentally undeveloped.” The book by Thomas Frank, Kini ọrọ naa pẹlu Kansas, was very inspiring for us. We saw a similar model in Poland of a nominally leftist constituency that departed from its traditional base. If the Left deserts the masses, then of course the Right fills the vacuum.
The last years of this liberal, cynical, opportunist government of Civic Platform—in the context of the European crisis – saw the emergence of new social movements. For instance, there was the igbi ti ehonu throughout Europe last year against the Anti-counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA), the European regulation on intellectual property. Also, new technologies and new media have reshaped the media landscape in Poland. All the old-school, mainstream papers are no longer as influential as they once were. The discourse is more dispersed.
Gbogbo eyi mu wa wá si imọran pe iṣoro naa ni aini Osi kan nibi ni Polandii ati aaye ti gbogbo eniyan ko ni kikun to. A bẹrẹ lati ro pe boya o wa nkankan ti ko tọ pẹlu awujo - awọn aini ti awujo ìde, awọn ailagbara lati sise collective, ati ti awọn dajudaju awọn aini ti lerongba nipa orisirisi awọn awoṣe ti awujo. Awọn agbeka awujọ tuntun mọ ohun ti wọn ko fẹran, ṣugbọn awọn igbero wọn pato jẹ airotẹlẹ pupọ, aiduro, tabi ko si. Gba Odi Street ko gbe awọn ibeere kan pato dide. Nitoribẹẹ awọn eniyan wa ti n ṣe afihan pẹlu awọn kaadi ami-ami ti o ka “Ṣatunṣe Ofin Gilasi-Steagall Tun”. Iyẹn dara, ṣugbọn kii ṣe iṣipopada pẹlu ero ti o mọ. Kii ṣe ẹbi wọn. O ṣoro lati ṣe eyi, dajudaju.
Ti o ni idi ti a pinnu, ni apa kan, lati ṣiṣẹ lori ero inu awujọ, eyiti o jẹ idi ti a fi sọ ile-ẹkọ wa. Ni apa keji, a fẹ lati ṣe iranlọwọ lati ṣeto awọn eniyan lati ṣiṣẹ ni apapọ, lati kopa. Chantal Mouffe ṣe agbekalẹ rẹ bii eyi: lati ṣẹda awọn ẹwọn laarin awọn agbeka oriṣiriṣi ati ṣẹda awọn ajọṣepọ. Iyẹn ni ohun ti a gbiyanju lati ṣe ni iṣe: ṣeto awọn eniyan ni awọn ilu oriṣiriṣi bii Bialystok, Wroclaw, Krakow. A tun ni awọn ile-iṣẹ aṣa ni Lodz ati ni Gdansk. Iyẹn ni ibiti awọn eniyan wa ṣe daja ni agbegbe, fun apẹẹrẹ ni awọn ijakadi ilu fun aaye gbangba. Nigba miiran eyi tumọ si gbigbe taara, bi eniyan ṣe ni ọja akọkọ ni Krakow. Ṣugbọn ni awọn ilu miiran, gẹgẹbi Lodz ni pataki, o ti tumọ si iwuri ikopa ti awọn ara ilu kii ṣe lodi si awọn ilana ilu nikan ṣugbọn tun ni ojurere ti atunto ilu naa, ṣiṣe ipinnu boya aaye yẹ ki o jẹ ti gbogbo eniyan tabi ikọkọ tabi ibiti aala yẹ ki o wa.
Emi ko gbọ nipa iṣẹ ni Krakow. Nigba wo niyẹn ṣẹlẹ?
It was a tent camp in the main market back in 2011. So, people cooperated with us on direct interventions in local politics. But they have also organized debates, movies, shows, and discussions of our books. We publish around 40 books a year.
In terms of realistic expectations for the future, do you want to create more of these cultural centers throughout Poland, more alliances with other organizations, more similar structures in other countries?
In other countries, we started in Ukraine about three years ago. It works on a similar model – creating a magazine to order to organize people around it. We’ve had five issues now, in Ukrainian. In Russia, we published two. It’s been a bit harder because of external factors: the secret service there doesn’t help.
Nipa didapọ mọ awọn iṣọpọ, dajudaju, a ṣe ifọwọsowọpọ pẹlu awọn ẹgbẹ iṣowo, awọn olukọ, awọn nọọsi. A ṣe atẹjade oluka kan lori eto-ẹkọ ni ifowosowopo pẹlu ẹgbẹ awọn olukọ. Awọn nọọsi ṣẹda abule agọ kekere kan lakoko awọn ikede wọn ni ọdun 2006 ni ita ile-iṣẹ ijọba ti Prime Minister. A ṣe atilẹyin fun wọn nipasẹ iṣiparọ media ati nipa ṣiṣẹda tabloid fun wọn, titẹjade awọn ọran mẹwa. Pupọ eniyan lo wa ni Krytyka ti n ja awọn ija ilu, fun apẹẹrẹ awọn ijakadi atako. Diẹ ninu awọn eniyan tun n ṣe ifowosowopo pẹlu iṣipopada ayika. Fun apẹẹrẹ, Adam Ostolsky jẹ ọmọ ẹgbẹ ti oṣiṣẹ wa ati oludari ti Green Party. A ko dapọ pẹlu awọn ajo miiran ṣugbọn didapọ mọ awọn iṣọpọ ati awọn ibatan ti o da lori ọrọ kan pato, lati ronu laala si egbe LGBT.
Ni awọn ọdun to kọja, ko si awọn ipilẹṣẹ iṣelu ti jade ninu awọn ẹgbẹ nibi ni Polandii. Awọn ẹgbẹ tun ṣe pataki nitori a nilo wọn lati ṣẹda awọn ofin ati ofin. Ṣugbọn awọn ipilẹṣẹ gidi wa lati ita eto oselu, lati titẹ awọn ara ilu, lati awọn ipolongo ni media. Nitorinaa, ko ṣe pataki pupọ lati bẹrẹ ẹgbẹ tuntun lati wọ ile igbimọ aṣofin. Nitoribẹẹ o ṣe pataki lati ni awọn ajafitafita LGBT ni Palikot Party libertarian ni ile igbimọ aṣofin. Wọn le ni aaye lati sọ ohun wọn. Sugbon egbe oselu je ohun elo lasan. Ti iṣipopada ti o lagbara pupọ ba wa ni ita titari ero kan pato, lẹhinna paapaa Platform Civic yoo Titari diẹ ninu awọn ilana ilọsiwaju nipasẹ ile asofin. Laisi atilẹyin itagbangba yii, Palikot ti ominira tabi Awujọ Awọn alagbawi ti Osi ni orukọ yoo wa ni ile igbimọ aṣofin ṣugbọn kii ṣe ohunkohun.
Emi ko fẹran ọrọ naa “awujọ araalu.” Mo feran awujo oselu. Awujọ ara ilu ni imọran pe o wa ni ita ti ọrọ-aje ati ni ita ilu: eka kẹta. Nitoribẹẹ a jẹ NGO ni deede. Ṣugbọn ninu ironu neoliberal, awọn NGO ni a rii bi rirọpo ọpọlọpọ awọn iṣẹ ti ipinlẹ naa. Ati pe a ko fẹ ṣe iyẹn. Awọn NGO ko yẹ ki o gba awọn ipa ti ipinle iranlọwọ. A gbiyanju lati ṣeto gbogbo awọn ile-iṣẹ ijọba tiwantiwa, pẹlu ipinlẹ, lati mu awọn adehun wọn ṣẹ, gẹgẹbi ipese iranlọwọ fun awọn ara ilu. O jẹ idiju lori ipele ti orilẹ-ede. Ti o ni idi ti o jẹ pro-European. A fẹ awọn ojutu ni ipele ti o ga julọ.
Kini o ro pe awọn asesewa ọrọ-aje nibi ni Polandii?
In the Western world, neoliberalism has survived but in a bit different form: what Wolfgang Streeck ti pe the debt state rather than the taxing state. There has been a whole redefinition of the financial crisis into a debt crisis. This is the new embodiment of neoliberalism or, rather, the “ajeji kii-iku ti neo-liberalism.” There is no way out because all the states are indebted, and a contradiction emerges between democracy and market. The argument is not that market regulates itself but that state indebtedness requires the imposition of austerity and we should not help Greece because it’s a moral hazard.
Ṣugbọn paapaa ni ojulowo, iyipada kan wa si ironu ilọsiwaju diẹ sii. Ni Polandii, ijọba ni ọrọ-ọrọ neoliberal ṣugbọn iṣe Keynesian kan. A ni owo sisan ti Keynesian lati Yuroopu: 2.3 ogorun ti GDP Polandi ni gbogbo ọdun n bọ ni ọdun kọọkan lati EU. Ṣugbọn ijọba tun n dun neoliberal nitori igberaga rẹ ni nini isuna isọdọkan ati tun jẹ gbese gbogbo eniyan kekere. Gbese ti gbogbo eniyan si ipin GDP wa ni ayika 53 ogorun.
Laipe ariyanjiyan nla kan wa lori iloro ti gbese gbogbo eniyan. Minisita Isuna, Jan-Vincent Rostowski, jẹ Tory atijọ, oloselu Polish-British ti konsafetifu pupọ. Ṣugbọn o ti n sọrọ bayi nipa iwulo fun eto imulo counter-cyclical nipasẹ ipinlẹ naa. Fun apẹẹrẹ, ijọba lọwọlọwọ fẹ lati pa eto ifẹhinti lọwọlọwọ ti o da lori awọn ọja inawo. Ni atijo eto, eniyan sise, san owo sinu awọn eto, ati awọn owo ti wa ni san si pensioners. Bayi a ni ipo kan ninu eyiti awọn eniyan n ṣiṣẹ ati pe a fi owo naa sinu awọn owo ifẹhinti ikọkọ. Ijọba fẹ lati gbe awọn ohun-ini ninu awọn owo ikọkọ wọnyẹn sinu ọkọ ilu, ZUS. Ti eto ifẹhinti tuntun ko ba ti ṣe ifilọlẹ ni 1999, gbese gbogbo eniyan yoo jẹ 38 ogorun nikan, eyiti o kere julọ ni Yuroopu. Nitorinaa nitori pragmatism, Prime Minister ati minisita inawo ti di oye pupọ ni awọn ofin ti eto-ọrọ eto-ọrọ aje nipa atilẹyin iru ilowosi kan. Ni apa keji, wọn n ṣe atilẹyin ọja iṣẹ ti o rọ, eyiti, bi awọn eniyan ti sọ nibi, ṣe agbega irọrun ati ko si aabo. Nitorinaa, o jẹ idapọ ajeji ti idasi Keynesian ati eto-ọrọ-apa ipese.
The business cycle was not so bad here over the last years because of the EU money. And there has been public investment especially in infrastructure, mostly highways. But what will happen when there is no money from European Union? After 2020, there will be no structural funds any more.
A tun nilo dajudaju lati tun agbegbe agbara Polandii ṣe. Pupọ ti awọn ohun elo agbara wa lati awọn ọdun 1970, ati pe wọn jẹ ohun ti atijo. O yẹ ki a lo aye yii lati tun apa agbara si ọna agbara Green diẹ sii, ṣugbọn a ko ṣe iyẹn nitori iparowa ti o lagbara pupọ lati awọn ile-iṣẹ eedu ati gaasi shale. Pẹlupẹlu, ariyanjiyan nipa fracking lati gba gaasi shale nigbagbogbo wa ni ipo ti aabo agbara ni awọn ibasepọ pẹlu Russia. Ẹka agbara jẹ ipenija nla kan. A yoo ni lati na diẹ sii ju 40 bilionu zlotys lati tunse rẹ. Ṣe yoo jẹ alawọ ewe diẹ sii ati isọdi-ipinlẹ diẹ sii, tabi bii loni, orisun-ẹdu ati aarin? Nibẹ ni o wa eto lati kọ kan iparun ọgbin, sugbon ti won yoo ko se o jasi: ko o kan nitori ti awujo resistance sugbon nitori won ko ba ko ni owo fun o.
Iṣoro kẹta jẹ awoṣe macroeconomic gbogbogbo. A ni ipele kekere ti awọn inawo R & D. Idije pólándì da lori iṣẹ olowo poku, kii ṣe lori isọdọtun, eyiti a rii bi eewu pupọ ati gbowolori. Ni agbaye pq ti gbóògì, a ba wa ni kan dipo kekere ibi. A ṣe daradara daradara lori awọn okeere nitori a ko ni Euro. Iye ti zloty ti jẹ ohun kekere, eyiti o dara fun ile-iṣẹ okeere. Ni ọwọ miiran, a gbejade pupọ si Germany bi awọn alasepo ti ile-iṣẹ Jamani, ti o tun ṣe okeere si awọn miiran. Aṣeyọri okeere okeere ti Jamani n pa iyoku EU run, ṣugbọn ni akoko kukuru o ni awọn anfani fun Polandii. Ti wọn ba ṣe daradara, awa gẹgẹ bi awọn alaṣẹ abẹlẹ tun ṣe daradara.
Ti o ba gbiyanju lati dije pẹlu iṣẹ olowo poku, o ṣẹda iṣoro igbekalẹ kan. A ni oṣuwọn alainiṣẹ giga, ju 13 ogorun (ati ju 20 ogorun laarin awọn ọdọ). Ibeere ile ti ko lagbara pupọ wa nitori ọpọlọpọ awọn eniyan alainiṣẹ lo wa ti, nigbati wọn ba ṣiṣẹ, gba owo diẹ ni isanwo. Ni igba pipẹ, iyipada ti ọja iṣẹ ni idapo pẹlu awọn owo-owo kekere npa olu-ilu eniyan run. Awọn eniyan ṣi jade, lati wa awọn iṣẹ tabi ti wọn ba ni awọn ireti nla lati kọ ẹkọ ara wọn. Die e sii ju eniyan miliọnu 1.5 ti lọ kuro ni Polandii: iye eniyan ti o tobi julọ lati lọ kuro ni akoko alaafia ni Polandii. Circle buburu ni. O sanwo awọn eniyan ti o kere pupọ, ati pe wọn ko ni awọn iwuri lati kọ ẹkọ ara wọn siwaju sii. Nitorinaa o ko le ṣe eto-ọrọ ti o da lori oye pẹlu ipele giga ti imotuntun. Ni igba diẹ, ọja ti o ni irọrun ṣe iranlọwọ, ṣugbọn o jẹ buburu lori igba pipẹ. O ṣe ihalẹ ilọsiwaju si ọna eto-ọrọ aje pẹlu ipele isọdọtun giga.
Another challenge is the transportation system, which is concentrated on railway connections between big cities. This serves the core, but the periphery is excluded, which causes lower mobility of people and discriminates against the provinces. We have very unequal development in the regions in Poland.
Oyimbo kan pupo ti ohun gbọdọ wa ni ṣe nipasẹ awọn ipinle. Ipinle nikan le ṣe atilẹyin awọn asopọ ọkọ oju-irin agbegbe lati mu ọpọlọpọ awujọ Polandii wa si ojulowo. Ipinle nikan ni o le pese awọn iwuri fun R & D. Iwadi ipilẹ jẹ agbateru nigbagbogbo nipasẹ ipinle, paapaa ni Amẹrika. Awọn algoridimu akọkọ fun Google ni owo nipasẹ owo ilu; Intanẹẹti jẹ agbateru nipasẹ DARPA, ile-iṣẹ ologun. Ni Polandii, ọpọlọpọ awọn olupilẹṣẹ imulo ko mọ eyi tabi ko pin wiwo yẹn. Ibeere olokiki kan wa nipasẹ ọkan ninu awọn minisita ti ijọba akọkọ ni 1989: eto imulo ile-iṣẹ ti o dara julọ kii ṣe eto imulo. Wọn gbagbọ pe ilana ti o dara julọ fun ipinle ni lati pada sẹhin. Ṣugbọn pẹlu iru ironu bẹẹ, a ko ni jinna pupọ.
Bayi o ti yipada diẹ. Bayi diẹ ninu awọn ipilẹṣẹ wa fun idoko-igba pipẹ. Awọn idoko-owo diẹ ti wa sinu agbara gbogbo eniyan ati ọkọ oju-irin ilu. Ṣugbọn eto-ẹkọ ti dinku nitori awọn isuna austerity, paapaa awọn ile-iwe ni awọn ilu kekere. O da lori bii eniyan ṣe le ṣeto ara wọn lati ṣe idiwọ pipade awọn ile-iwe wọnyi. Ṣugbọn o jẹ deede awọn agbegbe wọnyi, ni awọn abule kekere ati awọn ilu, nibiti o ni ibeere ti o tobi julọ fun eto-ẹkọ gbangba olowo poku ti o dara. Ati pe o wa ni deede nibi ti olu-ilu ati agbara eniyan lati ṣeto ara wọn jẹ alailagbara julọ.
Fun apẹẹrẹ, imọran atunṣe kan wa ti yoo bẹrẹ awọn ọmọde kekere ni ile-iwe ni ọdun mẹfa, kii ṣe meje. O jẹ dọgbadọgba diẹ sii ti ọmọ ba lọ si ile-iwe ni ọdun kan sẹyin nitori iyẹn yoo jẹ ọdun kan diẹ sii lati dọgba awọn iyatọ ti o wa lati oriṣiriṣi aṣa ati awọn ipele ẹkọ ti awọn idile. Dajudaju awọn ile-iwe ko ni inawo daradara, ati pe ọpọlọpọ ninu wọn ko ṣetan lati gba awọn ọmọde kekere, bii awọn ọmọ ọdun mẹfa. Awọn obi ti ẹgbẹ arin ṣe ifilọlẹ igbi ti awọn atako – Jẹ ki a Fipamọ Awọn ọmọde - ati ariyanjiyan wọn ni: “Ẹ maṣe jẹ ki a ji igba ewe wọn, ati pe ko buru pupọ fun awọn ọmọ ọdun meje lọ si ile-iwe.” Ṣugbọn awọn obi ti o nilo iru atunṣe yii ko ni agbara lati ṣeto tabi paapaa akiyesi iṣoro yii. Nitorina eyi ni paradox. Nibo ni awọn aidogba wa ati paapaa ipinya kan, ajo ilu ṣe ojurere si awọn kilasi arin ati oke. Ṣugbọn laisi eyikeyi awọn ipolongo tabi awọn iṣe lori awọn ọran ti iyasoto wọnyi, awọn agba oselu yoo tẹsiwaju pẹlu iṣowo bi igbagbogbo. Wọn yoo tẹsiwaju awọn eto imulo airotẹlẹ wọn ti o da lori ibobo ati lori titọju alafia awujọ dipo atunto eto-ọrọ aje ati iṣelu.
What do you think is the future of Polish politics? There are declining rates of political participation and a tendency to vote against rather than for political parties. When people talk about new politics, they often focus on the emergence of new parties. What are the possibilities here for a new politics?
Mo rii awọn iṣeeṣe ni ipele agbegbe, ni iṣelu ilu. Ikopa ni kekere ninu awọn idibo. Ṣugbọn nigbati o ba rii iye eniyan ti o kopa ninu awọn ijiroro tabi ni awọn atako, melo ni o ṣe pẹlu awọn otitọ ilu, awọn nọmba wọnyi n dagba. Nitorinaa, o jẹ idojukọ iyipada ti ikopa. Nitoribẹẹ, Emi ko ro pe eyi jẹ ojutu kan, lati kan wo pẹlu awọn ilana ilu ati fi awọn eniyan kanna silẹ ni ile igbimọ aṣofin. Ṣugbọn ifarahan ti n dagba fun eniyan lati ṣe diẹ sii ni agbegbe agbegbe wọn. Ati pe kii ṣe atako nikan ni ilodi si – fun apẹẹrẹ, lodi si awọn ilana EU lori ohun-ini ọgbọn lori Intanẹẹti.
Yoo gba igba diẹ fun olokiki oloselu lati kọ ẹkọ lati dahun si awọn ohun lati isalẹ. Pẹlu awọn ikede ACTA, o gba oṣu meji fun Prime Minister lati jẹwọ pe aaye kan wa si rẹ, pe kii ṣe awọn ọmọde nikan ji orin ni ọfẹ. Ipolongo lori awọn ọran kan pato dipo igbiyanju lati ṣe atunṣe awọn ile-iṣẹ nla - eyi yoo jẹ ipo ti iṣelu ti iṣelu ni awọn ọdun to nbọ. Eyi yoo jẹ ọna ti a yoo ni anfani lati kọ diẹ ninu awọn ile-iṣẹ tuntun, awọn ile-iṣẹ ayeraye diẹ sii. Emi kii ṣe tikalararẹ afẹfẹ nla ti tiwantiwa taara. Emi ko gbagbọ pe referenda tabi idibo nipasẹ Intanẹẹti yoo yi ohun gbogbo pada. Awọn ipolongo dara, ṣugbọn o nilo awọn ohun elo ti titẹ awujọ ti o yẹ lori awọn olutayo.
Gbogbo awọn iyipada ti o ni ilọsiwaju, ni Amẹrika pẹlu, ṣẹlẹ nigbati titẹ nla ba wa lori awọn olutayo, ati diẹ ninu awọn ẹgbẹ ti awọn gbajumo pinnu lati darapọ mọ ipilẹṣẹ ipilẹ yii. Deal Tuntun jẹ apẹẹrẹ nla ti eyi. Mo ti gbọ itan-akọọlẹ yii ti FDR nigba kan sọ fun adari ẹgbẹ oṣiṣẹ kan pe, “Iyẹn jẹ imọran to dara, ni bayi jade ni opopona ki o jẹ ki o jẹ otitọ.” Ko si awọn ọrẹ ti o dara tabi awọn alabaṣe buburu. Nigbagbogbo o da lori boya titẹ wa. Lẹhinna o ṣee ṣe pe apakan yii ti olokiki yoo tun ṣe eto imulo tabi paapaa gbogbo ijọba naa. O jẹ Circle ti oye ti awọn elites - Keynes, Dexter White - ti o ṣẹda awọn ile-iṣẹ Bretton Woods. Awọn baba oludasilẹ ti European Union, bii Jean Monet, fẹ gaan lati ṣe eyi fun ire gbogbo eniyan. Ṣugbọn laisi titẹ taara lati awọn agbeka awujọ tabi irokeke rudurudu awujọ nla awọn solusan wọnyi kii yoo ti ni imuse. Eyi jẹ otitọ fun EU, fun ipinle iranlọwọ lẹhin 1945: awọn elites bẹru ti Communism ati ariwo awujọ.
That’s why it’s important to organize more permanent pressure, not just campaigning or slactivism on Facebook. But it’s difficult because there is no media to shape your whole worldview. You choose what you want to read on the Internet. It’s difficult to organize collective pressure, as Iwe iroyin Wyborcza did in the 1990s when it used its influence to push opinion from one center of ideological power to another.
When you see the new generation of young people coming out of high school as you came out of high school, do you see enough of them staying here and committing themselves to transformation of the country?
Ohun kan paradoxical ni ipo eto-ọrọ aje lọwọlọwọ ni pe ko si iṣẹ diẹ sii ni Oorun. Eniyan ko le kan lọ si UK. Wọn ko fẹ wa mọ. Cameron jẹ kapitalisimu ti o dara ati pe yoo fẹ lati ni iṣẹ olowo poku bi o ti ṣee ṣe. Ṣugbọn igbiyanju orilẹ-ede iranlọwọ yoo wa, nitorinaa Cameron yoo tẹra si ipo ti o lodi si aṣikiri. Boya awọn Ọpa diẹ sii yoo lọ si Germany, ṣugbọn kii ṣe bi ọpọlọpọ eniyan nibi le sọ German. Ati pe awọn ti o le ṣiṣẹ nibẹ ti n ṣiṣẹ tẹlẹ ni bayi. Nitorinaa, bi aawọ naa ti n jinlẹ, aṣayan ijade yii yoo le ati le.
As for the worldview of the younger generation, large ideologies no longer inspire people. In Poland, there’s a very strange mixture. Quite a lot of people will test the status quo via right-wing thinking. I’m thinking here not so much about the discourse on Smolensk or Catholicism but on free-market thinking. Janusz Korwin-Mikke has a lot of fans among young people. In normal politics he would get 2 percent of votes, but among young people maybe 20 percent.
Kí ni wọ́n fani mọ́ra?
Wọ́n rí i pé ó fani lọ́kàn mọ́ra pé ó jẹ́ ẹlẹ́yàmẹ̀yà àti àìtọ́ tó wà nínú ìṣèlú àti pé ó lòdì sí ọ̀pọ̀ èèyàn. Eyi jẹ ogún ti post-communism. Pupọ julọ awọn asọye ti kapitalisimu lẹhin ọdun 1989 jẹ apa ọtun. O ṣofintoto kii ṣe kapitalisimu funrararẹ ṣugbọn ẹya ti post-communist ti rẹ. Iṣoro naa kii ṣe olu-ilu ṣugbọn “awọn kapitalisita pupa” ti o jogun tabi ji ọrọ lati ṣe awọn iṣẹ-ṣiṣe wọn ni ipari awọn ọdun 1980. Tani awọn oniṣowo nla julọ ni awọn ọdun 1980? Nibẹ wà Jan Kulczyk, Ọpá ọlọla julọ. Bawo ni o ṣe gba awọn miliọnu akọkọ rẹ? Lati ọdọ baba rẹ, oluṣowo aladani kan, ọmọ ilu Polandi ni West Berlin. Ati pe ti o ba n ṣe iṣowo ni West Berlin, o ni lati ni awọn asopọ ti o sunmọ si iṣẹ aṣiri Polish. Tabi awọn eniyan ti o ni awọn ile-iṣẹ media ti o tobi julọ ni Polandii, bii Polsat TV. Wọn jẹ eniyan oniṣowo ti nṣiṣe lọwọ ni awọn ọdun 1980.
Fun mi o fihan ohunkohun. Wọn di kapitalisimu ti o dara nitori wọn ṣiṣẹ bi awọn kapitalisimu ṣe. Emi ko ro pe awọn alakoso iṣowo kekere ti o jẹ awọn Karooti ogbin ni ikọkọ ni awọn ọdun 1980 le ṣeto kapitalisimu eniyan diẹ sii lẹhin 1989 ti wọn ba jẹ olori awọn ile-iṣẹ. Ọpọlọpọ eniyan gbagbọ eyi. Eyi tun jẹ ọrọ-ọrọ Lech Kaczynski ati apakan ti aṣeyọri rẹ: lati sọ pe iyipada ko ti pari sibẹsibẹ, pe a ko wa ni kapitalisimu, ṣugbọn ni ipinle post-communist kapitalisimu. Ọkan ninu awọn alaṣẹ ọgbọn ti o tobi julọ fun Ọtun, Jadwiga Staniszkis, sọ pe kapitalisimu post-communist ipinlẹ yii pari ni ọdun 2004, nitori awọn ile-iṣẹ Yuroopu lagbara ju awọn kapitalisimu Polish ti ko lagbara. Boya ohun kan wa ninu iyẹn.
But the typical anti-capitalist discourse as in the West is not here. There are leftist groups other than Krytyka, like the magazine Now Peryferie. But these are still only niches. The only daily paper that claims to be leftist is Trybuna, but it’s very old school, connected to the Social Democratic Party. Some young people write for them, but the general layout appeals to a nostalgic constituency rather than young leftists. Among the weeklies Przeglad ni ko ki buburu. Polityka, which is also post-Communist, is probably the best one in terms of ideas, and their longer essays by Jacek Zakowski or Edwin Bendyk can be quite progressive. But the economic analysis – and it’s the same with Iwe iroyin Wyborcza – is all about the financial markets, the stock markets, the flexibilization of labor market: they’re still dominantly neo-liberal.
ZNetwork jẹ agbateru nikan nipasẹ ilawo ti awọn oluka rẹ.
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