Looking Forward. By Michael Albert and Robin Hahnel

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  4. Participatory Consumption

 

His name was George F. Babbitt, and ... he was nimble in the calling of selling houses for more than people could afford to pay.

 -Sinclair Lewis

 Babbitt

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 In every cry of every man, In every infant's cry of fear, In every voice, in every ban, The mind-forged manacles I bear.

 -William Blake,

 London

 

 

 

Nothing in the world is single, All things by a law divine In one spirit meet and mingle

-Percy Bysshe Shelley

 

 

Imagine no possessions

I wonder if you can

 

-John Lennon

 

In chapter 2 we contrasted capitalist and participatory workplaces by discussing a publishing firm, a printing plant, and an airport. In this chapter we contrast capitalist and participatory consumption using descriptions of hypothetical people, a co-housing community, and counties to clarify alternatives. We describe a few possible ways of organizing activity while recognizing that many other choices would be equally compatible with participatory norms.

 

Collective Consumption

 

The Capitalist Case

 

How are the million citizens of a capitalist county organized so that their different desires emerge as demands for "public" goods? Who decides? Who pays?

 

We need to consider purchases of roads, schools, hospitals, parks, fire equipment, and social services. Yet this does not exhaust the list of "things" consumed collectively by members of the county we'll call Jefferson Park.

 

For example, there is the look of the county, largely determined by its architecture. And there is the county's ecological health, determined by pollution standards and availability of ecologically sound goods. Thus not only those goods usually deemed "public," compose the county's "collective consumption."

 


In capitalist Jefferson Park, the county government decides on the mix of public goods and what taxes will be levied to pay for them. But in capitalist Jefferson Park the government inevitably caters to lobbies that wield power in proportion to their wealth. Traffic lights are erected and streets repaved in upper- and middleclass areas. Toxic wastes are dumped in the ghetto. County government also determines the location of public and private buildings by setting zoning ordinances in response to pressure, wealth being more important than numbers of voters.

 

Consider hospitals. How many are in Jefferson Park county? How are they designed? What ailments do they treat? The number of private hospitals depends on whether they attract investors, which in turn depends on the county government's efforts to provide services. The number of public hospitals will depend on the county budget, which is in turn affected by the tax base held hostage by business. In a system where those who pay the piper call the tune, design of any hospital and disposition of its resources will naturally reflect the tastes of its financers. If a hospital's clientele is wealthy, providing attractive rooms, fine care, and a maximum of amenities justifies high prices and the hospital is private. If the hospital's clientele is poor, much of its revenue must come from the county budget and budget crises will necessitate reducing costs and increasing "throughput" per day. Amenities won't translate into profits. The disposition of resources is geared to speed and thrift, not comfort or care.

 

The influence of money over county policy gives rise to a "sensible" popular passivity in Jefferson Park. With less time free from the daily struggle for survival, and county officials already beholden to wealthy donors, county politics for the majority reduces to ignorance and passivity regarding important decisions interrupted by occasional outbursts of rage at corruption, incompetence, or a tax burden grossly out of proportion to benefits received. The result is that most of the populace have little input into deciding whether a hospital should be constructed, what its design should be, and whom it should serve. The same holds for construction and repair of roads, fire stations, airports, the location of factories, the location and quality of schools, libraries, recreation centers, and health clinics, and the mixture and incidence of taxes to pay for them. The people most affected rarely influence results. Most Jefferson Park "consumers" never even know what issues are at stake.

 

What alternatives are there? What could we do other than leave decisions to government bureaucrats?

 

Conservatives insist that the solution lies in taking decisions out of the hands of "government"' - whose decisions are often corrupt and-according to Milton Friedman-biased and "necessarily" coercive, and leaving them to the market where "all choices are voluntary and freedom is preserved." But this is nonsensical. Decisions about parks, roads, schools, and fire protection are decisions that affect a large number of people. Even mainstream economists have long recognized there is nothing efficient, much less democratic, about leaving such decisions to the market place. These decisions should be collectively made. The trick is how to do so in a way that guarantees everyone an equal and effective opportunity to participate without wasting their valuable time.