Looking Forward. By Michael Albert and Robin Hahnel

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  2.Participatory Workplaces

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

"So the U.S. government provided aid. The army and police were decked out in style, officers were trained in Louisiana, arms were provided from firms in Connecticut."

 

 

Printing - A Third World Example

 

Our two examples have both been in developed settings, whether capitalist or participatory. Now imagine visiting an island country that has combined public ownership of the means of production with central planning in an underdeveloped economy. How might a printing establishment there compare to how it was before the antiimperialist revolution? How might a transformation to participatory economics bring further changes?

 

Assume that more pressing investment priorities and capitalist boycotts have left printing technology unchanged from neocolonial days. The plant includes two out -of -date printing presses, one using cold type and the other geared for old -fashioned photo -typesetting; banks of equipment of diverse lineage for stripping negatives and preparing type; layout rooms; assorted equipment for preparing negatives; space for storing paper and materials; space for storing incoming and outgoing copy; loading docks, and a lunch counter. What kind of work was done before and after the anti -colonialist revolution? What kind might be done after a transformation to participatory economics?

 

Newsday Press - The Neocolonized Version

 

Before the revolution, Simon Bolivar Press was called Newsday Inc. and its product was the U.S. magazine Newsday. All its engineers were from the U.S., and while many of its managers were from the island, almost all were trained in the U.S. Newsday Inc. was 80 percent owned by capitalists in New York and 20 percent by local capitalists who spent much time in Miami and Las Vegas.

What to produce, for whom, by what methods, work pace, and remuneration was decided by the local owners in consultation with the majority owners in the States. As a result, Newsday Inc.'s product had little economic, intellectual, or entertainment value for the island's citizens. Darker -skinned workers and women did the worst jobs. Marginal attention went to quality of work life.

 

When fumes, pace, tension, noise, or overbearing management wore down one set of employees, they were fired and new islanders were hired to replace them. To provide carrots alongside the stick, the top jobs for islanders paid enough to support a middle class life, while bottom levels paid bare subsistence. Yet, as long as one could last, work at Newsday Inc. beat hell out of unemployment, begging, going back to one's family in a rural village, or starving. Profits were exported to New York or Miami, or spent to sustain the luxurious lifestyle of the indigenous elite.

 

Of course, to maintain the tranquility of Newsday Inc. and the island's largely U.S -owned casinos, plantations, and import businesses, more was required. Remaining funds, after outsiders took their share, were insufficient to support and maintain the island's all -important military, police apparatus, and public services sufficiently to keep the system afloat. Something had to be done.

 

So the U.S. government provided aid. The army and police were decked out in style, officers were trained in Louisiana, arms were provided from firms in Connecticut. Officers received relatively high salaries in addition to being allowed to go berserk every so often to "improve morale" and enforce fear. The "legitimate" bill for all this plus ample bribes and overcharges was paid with funds from Washington raised from U.S. taxpayers. Services of use to local owners and U.S. visitors were maintained. The rest went to hell in a handcart. As repression increased, so did aid, this correlation being the most tenacious in U.S. international affairs since more repression means a more exploitable work force and higher profits for U.S. companies, and therefore more reason to send aid to buy more goodies for lackeys and arms for police and to pay more gravediggers.

 

Ultimately some of the island's more courageous citizens raised the consciousness and sparked the hopes of enough citizens to sustain a popular struggle against imperialism and throw out local and absentee rulers. Since victory, however, times have been tough. A vindictive economic boycott has isolated the country and made rebuilding difficult. Progress has had to wait on the task of overcoming the imperialist legacy of deprivation, ignorance, crime, and degradation. Nonetheless, the revolutionary movement consolidated power and transformed island life.