Manba: ScheerPost
Judge Loretta Preska, an advisor to the conservative Federalist Society, to which Chevron is a major donor, sentenced human rights attorney and Chevron nemesis Steven Donziger to six months in prison Friday for misdemeanor contempt of court after he had already spent 787 days under house arrest in New York.
Preska’s caustic outbursts — she said at the sentencing, “It seems that only the proverbial two-by-four between the eyes will instill in him any respect for the law” — capped a judicial farce worthy of the antics of Vasiliy Vasilievich, the presiding judge at the major show trials of the Great Purges in the Soviet Union, and the Nazi judge Roland Freisler who once shouted at a defendant,”You really are a lousy piece of trash!”
Donziger, a graduate of Harvard Law School, has been fighting against polluting American oil companies for nearly three decades on behalf of indigenous communities and peasant farmers in Ecuador. His faqat “crime” was winning a $9.5 billion judgment in 2011 against Chevron for thousands of plaintiffs. The oil giant had bought Texaco oil company holdings in Ecuador, inheriting a lawsuit alleging it deliberately discharged 16 billion gallons of toxic waste from its oil sites into rivers, groundwater, and farmland. Since the verdict, Chevron has come after him, weaponizing litigation to destroy him economically, professionally, and personally.
Hukm Donziger sudga arizani ko'rib chiqish uchun ariza berganidan bir kun o'tib chiqdi fikr Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Inson huquqlari bo'yicha kengashi uning uy qamog'ini xalqaro inson huquqlari qonunlarining buzilishi deb topdi. BMT Inson huquqlari kengashi uning uy qamog'i xalqaro huquqqa ko'ra qamoqqa olingan deb hisoblangan va shuning uchun sudya Preskaning qo'shimcha olti oylik qamoq jazosini talab qilishi noqonuniy ekanligini aytdi. Amnesty International ham Donzigerni zudlik bilan ozod qilishga chaqirdi.
Donziger va uning advokatlari sudyaning Donzigerni zudlik bilan qamoqqa jo'natish haqidagi qaroriga shikoyat qilishlari uchun ikki hafta bor. Preska Donzigerning garovga olinishini rad etdi, chunki u parvoz xavfi bor. Agar Federal Apellyatsiya sudi Donzigerning shikoyatini rad etsa, u olti oyga qamoqqa olinadi. Donziger va uning advokatlarining istehzosi shundaki, yuqori sud Preskaning unga nisbatan chiqargan qarorini bekor qilishi mumkin, ammo bu qaror qabul qilinguncha u olti oy qamoqda o'tirgan bo'lishi mumkin.
"Sudya Preska qilmoqchi bo'lgan narsa, apellyatsiya sudi qaror chiqargunga qadar meni butun jazo muddatini o'tashga majbur qilish", dedi Donziger dushanba kuni menga telefon orqali. Agar apellyatsiya sudi mening foydamga qaror chiqarsa, men qonun oldida aybsiz bo'lsam ham, jazoni o'tagan bo'laman.
Donziger, his lawyers have pointed out, is the first person under U.S. law charged with a “B” misdemeanor to be placed on home confinement, prior to trial, with an ankle monitor. He is the first person charged with any misdemeanor to be held under home confinement for over two years. He is the first attorney ever to be charged with criminal contempt over a discovery dispute in a civil case where the attorney went into voluntary contempt to pursue an appeal. He is the first person to be prosecuted under Rule 42 (criminal contempt) by a private prosecutor with financial ties to the entity and industry that was a litigant in the underlying civil dispute that gave rise to the orders. He is the first person tried by a private prosecutor who had ex parte sudya jinoyat ishi bo'yicha rad javobisiz qolgan (va qolmoqda) bo'lsa-da, ayblanuvchi sudya bilan muloqot qilish.
“No lawyer in New York for my level of offense ever has served more than 90 days and that was in home confinement,” Donziger told the court. “I have now been in home confinement eight times that period of time. I have been disbarred without a hearing where I have been unable to present factual evidence; thus, I am unable to earn an income in my profession. I have no passport. I can’t travel; can’t do human rights work the normal way which I believe I am reasonably good at; can’t see my clients in Ecuador; can’t visit the affected communities to hear the latest news of cancer deaths or struggles to maintain life in face of constant exposure to oil pollution. In addition, and this is little known, Judge [Lewis A.] Kaplan has imposed millions and millions of dollars of fines and courts costs on me. [Kaplan is the judge for Chevron’s lawsuit against Donziger; Preska is his handpicked judge for the contempt charges.] He has ordered me to pay millions to Chevron to cover their legal fees in attacking me, and then he let Chevron go into my bank accounts and take all my life’s savings because I did not have the funds to cover these costs. Chevron still has a pending motion to order me to pay them an additional $32 [million] in legal fees. That’s where things stand today. I ask you humbly: might that be enough punishment already for a Class B misdemeanor?”
Sudya Preska qo‘zg‘almasdi.
"Janob. Donziger so‘nggi yetti yil davomida AQSh sud tizimiga burnini silab o‘tkazdi”, dedi Preska hukm chiqarish jarayonida. "Endi quvurchiga pul to'lash vaqti keldi."
The six-month sentence was the maximum the judge was allowed to impose; she ruled that his house arrest cannot be counted as part of his detention. From start to finish, this has been a burlesque. It is emblematic of a court system that has been turned over to lackies of corporate power, who use the veneer of jurisprudence, decorum, and civility to make a mockery of the rule of law.
When the law is neutered, judges become the enforcers of injustice. These corporate judges, who epitomize what Hannah Arendt called the banality of evil, now routinely make war on workers, civil liberties, unions, and environmental regulations.
Preska sent Jeremy Hammond to prison for a decade for hacking into the computers of a private security firm that works on behalf of the government, including the Department of Homeland Security, and corporations such as Dow Chemical. In 2011, Hammond released to the website WikiLeaks and Rolling Stone and other publications some three million emails from the Texas-based company Strategic Forecasting Inc., or Stratfor. The sentence was one of the longest in U.S. history for hacking and the maximum Preska could impose under a plea agreement in the case. I sat through the Hammond sinovi. Men Preskaning safrosini va nafratini ko'rdim Hammond skameykadan o'sha vitriol bilan u Donzigerga hujum qilgan.
Preska, shuningdek, Nyu-York davlat maktablarini soliq subsidiyali bepul joy bilan ta'minlashga majburlash uchun uzoq sud salib yurishi bilan mashhur. evangelist cherkovlari Konstitutsiyaning ochiqdan-ochiq mantiqsiz o'qishlariga asoslangan.
The persecution of Donziger fits a pattern familiar to millions of poor Americans who are coerced into accepting plea deals, many for crimes they did not commit, and sent to prison for decades. It fits the pattern of the judicial lynching and prolonged psychological torture of Julian Assange and Chelsea Manning. It fits the pattern of those denied habeas corpus and due process at Guantánamo Bay or in CIA black sites. It fits the pattern of those charged under terrorism laws, many held at the federal Metropolitan Correctional Center (MCC) in Lower Manhattan, who cannot see the evidence used to indict them. It fits the pattern of the widespread use of Special Administrative Measures, known as SAMs, imposed to prevent or severely restrict communication with other prisoners, attorneys, family, the media, and people outside the jail. It fits the pattern of the extreme sensory deprivation and prolonged isolation used on those in our black sites and prisons, a form of psychological torture, the refinement of torture as science. By the time a “terrorist” is dragged into our secretive courts the bewildered suspect no longer has the mental and psychological capability to defend themselves. If they can do this legally to the demonized they can, and one day will, do it to the rest of us. The Donziger case is an ominous warning that the American legal system is broken.
Garvard yuridik fakultetini tamomlagan Ralf Nader uzoq vaqtdan beri sudlar va yuridik maktablarning korporativ hokimiyat tomonidan bosib olinishini qoralab, mamlakat advokatlari va sudyalarini "korporativ g'ildirakdagi daromadli tishli" deb atagan. Uning ta'kidlashicha, yuridik maktab o'quv dasturlari "korporativ huquq, korporativ kuch, korporativ huquqbuzarlik va korporativ mudofaa asosida qurilgan".
1935 yilda Drezden universitetida roman tillari professori lavozimidan bo'shatilgan Viktor Klemperer natsistlar dastlab "qadriyatlarni, so'zlarning chastotasini o'zgartirib, [va] ularni yaratganini" mohirlik bilan qayd etdi. umumiy mulkka, avval shaxslar yoki kichik truppalar tomonidan qo'llanilgan so'zlar. Ular o'zlarining zahari bilan partiya uchun so'zlarni, to'yingan so'z va iboralarni, jumlalarni musodara qildilar. Ular tilni o'zlarining dahshatli tizimiga xizmat qilishdi. Ular so'zlarni engib, ularni eng kuchli reklama vositalariga aylantirdilar [Werebemittle], bir vaqtning o'zida eng ommaviy va eng sirli. Va, Klempererning ta'kidlashicha, eski tushunchalarni qayta ta'riflash sodir bo'lganligi sababli, jamoatchilik e'tiborsiz qoldi.
This redefinition of words and concepts has, as Klemperer witnessed during the rise of fascism, allowed the courts to twist the law into an instrument of injustice, revoking our rights by judicial fiat. It has seen the courts permit unlimited dark money into political campaigns under Citizens United, bizning pul bilan to'yingan saylovlarimizni hukumatga petitsiya qilish huquqi va so'z erkinligi shakli sifatida himoya qilish. Sudlar bizning shaxsiy hayotimizga bo'lgan huquqimizni bekor qildi va milliy xavfsizlik nomidan ulgurji davlat nazoratini qonuniylashtirdi. Sudlar korporatsiyalarga jismoniy shaxslarning huquqlarini beradi, shu bilan birga kamdan-kam hollarda korporatsiyalarni boshqaradigan shaxslarni korporativ jinoyatlar uchun javobgarlikka tortadi.
Korporativ hokimiyatga foyda keltiradigan qonuniy qarorlarning juda oz qismi xalq tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadi. Shunday qilib, mamlakatning korporativ ichaklarini yo'q qilish nasroniy fashistlari tomonidan tobora ko'proq himoya qilinmoqda, ular abort, maktablarda ibodat, qurol o'qish va cherkov va davlatning ajralishini buzish atrofida o'z bazasini kuchaytirmoqdalar. Bu masalalar kamdan-kam hollarda federal sudlarda ko'rib chiqiladi. Ammo ular bazani ko'pchilik sud hujjatlarida ustunlik qiladigan korporativ qarorlar to'plamidan chalg'itadi.
Tyson Foods, Purdue, Walmart va Sam's Warehouse kabi korporatsiyalar bu nasroniy fashistlarni o'rgatadigan muassasalarga, jumladan Ozodlik universiteti va Patrik Genri yuridik maktabiga millionlab mablag'larni to'kishdi. Ular Emi Koni Barretning Oliy sudga tayinlanishi uchun kampaniya olib borgan Sud inqirozi tarmog'i va AQSh Savdo palatasini moliyalashtiradi. Barret abortga qarshi va "Tillarda gapirish" bilan shug'ullanadigan o'ta o'ngdagi katolik kultiga mansub. U va boshqa o'ta o'ng ideologlar LGBTQ huquqlariga dushman. Ammo shuning uchun u abort, LGBTQ tengligi yoki qurol huquqlariga qiziqmaydigan korporatsiyalar tomonidan juda yaxshi ko'rilgan.
Barrett and the Christian fascists embrace an ideology that believes that God will take care of the righteous. Those who are poor, those who are sick, those who go to prison, those who are unemployed, those who cannot succeed in society do so because they have failed to please God. In this worldview there is no need for unions, universal health care, a social safety net or prison reform. Barrett doimiy ravishda korporatsiyalar foydasiga qaror qildi konsert ishchilarini ortiqcha ish vaqtidan, yashil yoqilg'ida qazib olish va ifloslanishdan aldash va iste'molchilarni korporativ firibgarlikdan himoya qilish. Qo'riqchi guruhi Accountable.US tuman sudi sudyasi sifatida Barrett "fuqarolar o'z sudining oldida korporativ shaxslarni qabul qilgan kamida 55 ta ishga duch kelgan va vaqtning 76 foizi u korporatsiyalar tomonida bo'lganini" aniqladi.
The Christian fascists, allied with organizations such as the Federalist Society, under the Trump administration gave lifetime appointments to nearly 200 judges, roughly 23 percent of all federal judgeships. That included 53 to the nation’s appellate courts, the court immediately under the Supreme Court. The American Bar Association, the country’s largest nonpartisan coalition of lawyers, has rated many of these appointments as unqualified. There are currently six Federalist Society Supreme Court justices, including Amy Coney Barrett, Neil Gorsuch, and Brett Kavanaugh, who Nader calls “a corporation masquerading as a human being.” Two Federalist Society Supreme Court justices, Clarence Thomas and the late Antonin Scalia, who was an original faculty advisor to the organization founded by conservative law students in 1982, were supported in the nomination process by Joe Biden.
Sudlarni korporativ qo'g'irchoqlar bilan to'ldirish Trampdan ancha oldin boshlangan. Bu Respublikachilar va Demokratik ma'muriyatlar tomonidan amalga oshirildi. Preska respublikachi prezident GV Bush tomonidan tayinlangan. Biroq, Donziger ishi bo'yicha Preskadan oldin bo'lgan sudya, tamaki sanoati bo'yicha sobiq advokat sudya Lyuis A. Kaplan bilan mablag'larga noma'lum sarmoya kiritgan. Chevron xoldinglari, uning davlat moliyaviy ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, Demokratik prezident Klinton tomonidan tayinlangan.
Sudlarni nishonga olish asosiy maqsadlardan biri edi Lyuis Pauel, korporativ advokat keyinchalik Prezident Nikson tomonidan Oliy sudga ko'tarilgan. Pauellning 1971 yilda Savdo-sanoat palatasiga yozgan eslatmasida, sodir bo'lgan sekin harakatlanuvchi korporativ to'ntarish rejasida u biznes manfaatlarini sud tizimini korporativ do'stona sudyalar bilan to'ldirishga chaqirdi.
Barcha zulmlar sudlarida o'rtamiyona va ahmoqlar hukmronlik qiladi. Ular o'zlarining intellektual va axloqiy bo'shliqlarini hokimiyatga g'ayrat bilan bo'ysunish bilan to'ldiradilar. Ular sud majlislarini sudga aylantiradilar opera buffa, hech bo'lmaganda jabrlanuvchi kishanlangan va qamoqxona kamerasiga eshigidan itarib yuborilgunga qadar. Ular hukmi hech qachon shubhada bo'lmagan va aybi hech qachon so'roq qilinmagan mahkumlarga nisbatan qattiq tiradlar bilan avj oladi.
"Bu 1960-yillarda Texaco Ekvadorga Amazon oroliga borib, Ekvadorni boshqarayotgan harbiy hukumat bilan o'zaro shartnoma tuzganida boshlandi", dedi Donziger menga. ustun Men uning ishi haqida bir yil oldin yozgan edim. "Keyingi 25 yil ichida Texaco Amazonning juda katta hududining eksklyuziv operatori bo'ldi, bu hududda 1500 kvadrat milya bo'lgan bir nechta neft konlari mavjud edi. Ular yuzlab quduqlar qazishdi. Ular burg'ulash paytida erdan chiqqan og'ir metallar va toksinlarni to'kib tashlaydigan minglab ochiq havoda, astarlanmagan zaharli chiqindi chuqurlarini yaratdilar. Ular chuqurlardan quvurlarni daryo va soylarga ochib, mahalliy aholi ichimlik suvi, baliq ovlash va rizq-ro‘zlariga ishongan. Ular beshta mahalliy xalqlar, shuningdek, boshqa ko'plab mahalliy bo'lmagan qishloq jamoalari yashagan bu toza ekotizimni zaharladilar. Ommaviy sanoat zaharlanishi yuz berdi”.
"Hukm jabrlangan jamoalar foydasiga 18 milliard dollarga teng bo'ldi, bu hech bo'lmaganda haqiqiy zararni tozalash va odamlarning ba'zi jarohatlarini qoplash uchun kerak bo'ladi", dedi Donziger menga. “Oxir-oqibat bu Ekvadordagi apellyatsiya 9.5 milliard dollarga kamaytirildi, ammo uni uchta apellyatsiya sudi, jumladan Ekvadorning eng yuqori sudi tasdiqladi. Bo'lgandi Kanada Oliy sudi tomonidan tasdiqlangan, bu erda ekvadorliklar 2015 yilda bir ovozdan o'z hukmlarini ijro etish uchun borishgan.
Chevron promptly sold its assets and left Ecuador. It refused to pay the fees to clean up its environmental damage. It invested an estimated $2 million to destroy Danziger. Chevron sued him, using a civil courts portion of the federal law famous for breaking the New York Mafia in the 1970s, the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations, or RICO Act. Chevron, which has more than $260 billion in assets, hired an estimated 2,000 lawyers from 60 law firms to carry out its campaign, according to court documents. But the oil giant, which did not want a jury to hear the case, dropped its demand for financial damages, which would have allowed Donziger to request a jury trial. This allowed Judge Kaplan to decide the RICO case against Donziger alone. He found credible a witness named Alberto Guerra, an Ecuadorian judge, relocated to the US by Chevron at a cost of some $2 million, who claimed the verdict in Ecuador was the product of a bribe. Kaplan used Guerra’s testimony as primary evidence for the racketeering charge, although Guerra, a former judge, later admitted to an international tribunal that he had ko‘rsatmasini soxtalashtirgan.
Bu ish bo'yicha Donzigerning advokatlaridan biri San-Frantsiskolik Jon Keker unga qarshi ekanligini aytdi. Chevron uchun 160 advokat va sud paytida u o'zini "qoziqqa bog'langan echki kabi" his qildi. U Kaplan ostidagi sud jarayonlarini "Dikkensiya farsi" va "ko'rgazmali sud" deb atadi.
In the end, Kaplan ruled that the judgment in the Ecuadorean court against Chevron was the result of fraud. He also ordered Donziger to turn over decades of all client communication to Chevron, in effect eradicating attorney-client privilege, a backbone of the Anglo-American legal system with roots dating to ancient Rome. Donziger appealed what was, according to legal experts following the case, an unprecedented and illegal order. While Donziger’s appeal was pending, Kaplan charged him with misdemeanor criminal contempt for this principled stance — carrying a maximum sentence of six months — as well as his refusal to turn over his passport, his personal electronics and to refrain from seeking the collection of the original award against Chevron. When the U.S. attorney’s office declined for five years to prosecute his criminal contempt charges against the environmental lawyer, Kaplan, using an exceedingly rare judicial maneuver, Seward & Kissel xususiy yuridik firmasini tayinladi, Donzigerni jinoiy javobgarlikka tortish uchun hukumat nomidan harakat qilish. Na sudya, na advokatlik firmasi buni oshkor qilmadi Chevron Seward & Kissel mijozi bo'lgan.
Kaplan, shuningdek, Chevron dabdabali bo'lgan Federalistlar Jamiyatining maslahat kengashida ishlagan Preskani shaxsan tayinlash uchun o'rnatilgan tasodifiy ishlarni tayinlash protokolini buzdi. donor, to hear the case. Kaplan had Preska demand Donziger post an $800,000 bond on the misdemeanor charge. Preska placed him under house arrest and confiscated his passport, which he has used to meet with attorneys around the world attempting to enforce the judgment against Chevron. Kaplan managed to have Donziger disbarred. He allowed Chevron to freeze Donziger’s bank accounts, slapped Donziger with millions in fines without allowing him a jury, forced him to wear an ankle monitor 24 hours a day and effectively shut down his ability to earn a living. Kaplan allowed Chevron to impose a lien on Donziger’s apartment in Manhattan where he lives with his wife and teenage son.
Bularning hech biri o'tmishdagi zulmlar nishoniga olganlarni hayratda qoldirmaydi. Ko'pgina amerikaliklarni ajablantiradigan narsa bizning korporativ zulmimiz qanchalik rivojlanganligidir. Donziger hech qachon imkoniyatga ega emas edi. Julian Assanj ham shunday emas. Bu hakamlar, oxir-oqibat, Donziger yoki Assanjga emas, balki bizga e'tibor qaratishgan. Ular raislik qiladigan shou sinovlari shaffof tarzda o'tkazilishi kerak. Ular xabar yuborish uchun mo'ljallangan. Korporativ hokimiyatga va milliy xavfsizlik davlatiga qarshi chiqqanlarning barchasi linch qilinadi. Hech qanday muhlat bo'lmaydi, chunki adolat yo'q.
ZNetwork faqat o'z o'quvchilarining saxiyligi orqali moliyalashtiriladi.
hadya etmoq