Upton Sinclair wuxuu arkay in ka badan qarni ka hor in "labada xisbi siyaasadeed waa laba baal oo isku mid ah shimbiraha ugaadha ah. Dadka waa loo oggol yahay inay kala doortaan musharraxiintooda, labadoodaba waa la kontaroolaa, dhammaan magacaabistoodana waxaa maamula, awood isku mid ah [lacag]." Anigoo dareemaya in aragtida Sinclair aysan sax ahayn xilligan xaadirka ah marka loo eego kiisa, waxaan ahay waxay sameeyeen qodob ah inay u codeeyaan (si rasmi ah aan loo dooran) murashaxiinta xisbiga saddexaad (laga bilaabo Barry Commoner ee 1980 ilaa Jill Stein ee 2012) dhammaan marka laga reebo hal (2004 [1]) ee siddeedii doorasho madaxtinnimo ee Maraykanka oo aan "ka qayb qaatay." Waxa aan tamar yar ku bixiyay xisbiyada waaweyn (ama mid kasta) siyaasadda doorashada inta aan noolahay, aniga oo u janjeedha in aan u arko warshadaha doorashada Maraykanka hawlgal suuq-geyneed oo heersare ah iyo lacag badan/ layli warbaahineed oo weyn oo lagu takoorayo laguna khiyaameeyo muwaadiniinta. Had iyo jeer waxa iigu muhiimsan aniga iyo bidixda kale ee aan aqaanay sannadihii la soo dhaafay waxaan aad ugu badan nahay dhisidda dhaqdhaqaaqa bulshada hoostooda iyo wixii ka dambeeya dhagarta aan dhammaadka lahayn ee siyaasiyiinta iyo maalgeliyayaashooda iyo sawir-qaadayaasha.
Doodda Wills-Henwood (2008)
Taasi waxay tidhi, waxaan sannado badan ku dadaalayay inaan u sheego dadka wax waydiiya - iyo gaar ahaan dadka ku nool tirada yar yar iyo kuwa sii yaraanaya ee dawladaha lagu tartamayo (eeg qoraalkayga ugu horreeya) - inay u badan tahay inay u fiicnaan lahayd Aqalka Cad in uu qabsado Dimuqraadi. marka loo eego Jamhuuriga. "Shaydaanka ka yar" aad uma miisaan culus taladayda, in kasta oo aan u malaynayo inay tahay daacadnimo ama jaahilnimo in aan la qirin in xoojinta weerarka shirkadaha iyo muxaafidnimada bulshada ee dadweynaha Maraykanka ay guud ahaan aad uga yar tahay madaxweynayaasha dimuqraadiga ah marka loo eego sida ay hoos yimaadaan. Jamhuuriga. Qaybta ugu weyn ee dooddaydu wax shaqo ah kuma lahan "xukunka ka yar" fikirka iyo wax kasta oo ku lug leh soo bandhigida Dimuqraadiyiinta shirkadaha iyo Imperial waxa ay dhab ahaantii yihiin. Sidee Dimuqraadiyiinta Bidixda ah ee soo noqnoqda iyo horumarka wada-doorashada ee Dimuqraadiyiinta sida ugu wanaagsan loogu muujiyey inay yihiin garab kale oo isla shimbir plutocratic iyo boqortooyo ah oo qurux badan? Kee baa u roon horumarinta waxqabad siyaasadeed oo dhab ah, oo waara (dad hoose, iyo firfircoonida muwaadinka iyo shaqaalaha ee aan la wada dooran karin) wixii ka baxsan sayidyada 'quadrennial electoral extravaganzasโ(A) Jamhuuriga xagjirka ah ee haysta awood magac ama (B) Dimuqraadiyiinta dollar-ka xun ee dul fadhiya markabka astaanta u ah dawladda?
Jawaabtu waxay ii noqotay B. Tani waxay ku salaysan tahay indha-indhayntayda in joogitaanka Jamhuuriga ee Aqalka Cad ay dhiirigeliso liberals iyo horumarka iyo kuwa kaleba inay ku eedeeyaan wax kasta oo khaldan America "kuwa Jamhuuriga sharka ah." Xarumaha awoodda Elite waxay xor u yihiin inay hoos u dhigaan cadhada caanka ah ee adeegga caadiga ah ee Washington ee taajiriinta iyagoo dib ugu soo celinaya dimuqraadiyiinta neoliberal-ka ee magacyada "rajo" iyo "isbeddel" - ereyada muhiimka ah ee labadaba ololihii Bill Clinton 1992 iyo ololihii Obama ee 2008. Xagjirayaashu waxay rabaan in shaqaalaha iyo muwaadiniinta ay fahmaan in dhibaatada dhabta ahi aanay ahayn labada garab ee haya jagada siyaasadeed ee ay tahay xukunka caasimadda iyo Boqortooyada oo ka dambeeya dabeecadda u gudubta dimuqraadiyadda. Haysashada Dimuqraadiyiinta xafiiska waxay si istiraatijiyadeed ah u door bidayaan Bidix sababtoo ah waxay ka caawisaa inay casharkaas guriga keenaan.
Haddaba, ugu yaraan, waxa aan u janjeedhsaday in aan ku doodo, iyada oo shahaado muhiim ah ay tahay in codbixintu ay tahay arrin yar oo gaaban oo dhab ah (waxay qaadanaysaa ilaa laba daqiiqo) marka loo eego siyaasadda aadka ugu muhiimsan ee lagu dhisayo dhaqdhaqaaqyada bulshada ee salka hoose. Taariikhyahankii xagjirka ahaa ee Howard Zinn ayaa si fiican u dhigay qoraal ku saabsan "Doorashada Madness" ee la wareegay qaranka iyo runtii in badan oo ka mid ah (oo dhan Obama-mesmerized) ayaa ka tagay 2008:
"Waxaan ka hadlayaa dareenka saamiga ee ku lumaya waalida doorashada. Ma ku taageeri lahaa hal musharax mid kale? Haa, laba daqiiqo โ inta ay qaadanayso in leverka hoos loo rido goobta codbixintaโฆ.'Laakin labadaas daqiiqo ka hor iyo ka dib, waqtigeena, tamarteena, waa in aan ku bixinaa waxbaridda, kicinta, abaabulka muwaadiniinta walaalaheenna ah. goobta shaqada, xaafadda, dugsiyada. Hadafkayagu waa inuu noqdaa inaan dhisno, si xamaasad leh, dulqaad leh, laakiin si tamar leh, dhaqdhaqaaq marka uu gaadho tiro aad u daran, uu ruxi doono qof kasta oo ku jira Aqalka Cad, Congress-ka, beddelaadda siyaasadda qaranka ee arrimaha dagaalka iyo caddaaladda bulshadaโฆ. ' Aynu xasuusanno in xitaa marka uu jiro musharrax "ka wanaagsan" ... farqigaas macnaheedu maahan wax haddii aan awoodda dadku isu muujin siyaabaha qofka ku nool Aqalka Cad uu u arki doono khatar in la iska indho-tiro."[2]
Waxaan rabay in Obama uu ku guuleysto doorashada 2008 waxa laga yaabo inay ku dhufato qaar sabab la yaab leh. Waxaan rajaynayay in Obama uu guulaysto sababtoo ah waxaan u maleeyay inay jirto awood xagjir ah oo ku jirta codbixiyayaasha Maraykanka iyo muwaadiniinta, gaar ahaan kuwa da'da yar, oo la kulma "kaligii taliye lacag aan la soo dooran" ee qaranka ee isbeddelka horumarka. Waxaan rabay dadka Maraykanka ah (dhallinyarada ka sarreeya dhammaan) inay si toos ah oo muuqata ula xiriiraan dabeecadda laba-geesoodka ah ee nidaamka ganacsi-siyaasadeed ee Imperial iyo plutocratic (oo ah "siyaasadda, waxaan dhihi karnaa, waa sii wadida ganacsiga siyaabo kale" 3]) nidaamka iyo in la wajaho farqiga u dhexeeya filashadooda isbeddelka iyo xaqiiqada qallafsan ee joogtada ah ee hoos-u-socodka shirkadaha, maaliyadda iyo militariga oo leh "Dems dismal" oo ah hoggaanka sare ee dawladda. Waxaan rabay in lagu xukumo xaqiiqda ah, in laga soo xigtay falanqeeyaha Marxist Doug Henwood ku dhawaad โโafar sano ka hor, "wax walba wali aad bay u nuugaan" marka Dimuqraadiyiintu ay qabtaan xafiisyada siyaasadeed ee ugu sarreeya - in xaqiiqooyinka asaasiga ah ee asaasiga ah ee asaasiga ah ee hanti-wadaaga iyo xukunka boqortooyada ay isku mid yihiin. Sida halgamaagii antiwar, qoraaga, iyo qoraaga Stan Goff uu xusay 2009, "Waan ku faraxsanahay in Obama la doortay. Haddii kale, dadku waxay ku eedayn doonaan dagaalka McCain iyo Jamhuuriga waxayna sii wadaan khiyaaliga ah in doorashooyinku ay noqon karaan badbaadadayada." Tixraaca taariikhiga ah ee muhiimka ah halkan waa madaxweynenimada John Fitzgerald Kennedy iyo kor u kaca bidixda cusub ee 1960-yadii. Sida Henwood uu ku soo gabagabeeyey dhamaadkii qoraalkii muhiimka ahaa ee Guga 2008 kaas oo lagu xusay, waxyaabo kale, u hoggaansanaanta Obama ee caasimad weyn, militariga Obama, iyo diidmada Obama ee xadka sinnaan la'aanta jinsiyadeed ee Maraykanka:
โNaqdin ku filan; lahjadda ayaa dalbanaysa wax wax dhisaya si loo kiciyo xoogaa dhaqdhaqaaq hore ah. Shaki kuma jiro in Obamalust uu muujinayo qaar ka mid ah hilowga fantasmiga ah ee adduun wanaagsan - nabad badan, siman, iyo bini'aadantinimo. Wax yar oo taas ka mid ah wuu bixin doonaa - laakiin waxaa jira caddayn qaar rabitaanno caan ah oo la yaab leh oo ka dambeeya burburinta. Waxayna si lama huraan ah u niyad jabi doonaanโฆWaxaa jirta awood siyaasadeed oo weyn oo ku jirta niyad jabka dadweynaha ee Dimuqraadiyiinta. Dhacdadan waxaa markii ugu horreysay ogaaday Garry Wills in Nixon Agonites. Sida Wills u sharraxay, dhammaan 1950-meeyadii, aqoonyahannada garabka bidix waxay u maleeyeen in cilad-darrada qaranku ay tahay khaladka Eisenhower, Dimuqraadiguna wuu daweyn doonaa. Hagaag, waxay heleen JFK wax walbana wali aad bay u nuugeen, taas oo ah tii keentay kacdoonkii 1960-meeyadiiโฆ. Dareenka xumaanta iyo kala fogaanshiyaha ayaa laga yaabaa inuu hadda ka xoog badan yahay sidii uu ahaa 50 sano ka hor, waxaana ku jira wax badan oo ka mid ah shaqada fasalka, kuwaas oo kooxaha diirada Stanley Greenberg ay u arkaan inay si dhab ah uga cadhoodaan qiimaha nolosha iyo sida ay maalqabeenadu u maamulaan inteena inteeda kaleโฆWeligay suurtagalnimada niyad jabku ma bixin rajo aad u badan. Taas macnaheedu maaha musharaxa ereygaas, laakiin taariikhdu waxay noqon kartaa mid aad u weyn."[4]
Shakhsi ahaan hamiga hamiga leh ee shirkadaha-iyo Boqortooyadu Dimuqraadiyiinta sida Barack Obama (ama Hillary Clinton ama John F. Kerry ama Bill Clinton ama Jimmy Carter) waxay si fiican u awoodaan inay u muujiyaan beddelka horumarka marka ay xafiiska ka baxaan. Waxay si wax ku ool ah u soo bandhigaan sida wax caynkaas ah marka ay qabtaan xafiiska ka dib markii ay kor u qaadeen iyo/ama ay u soo jeesteen "awood" rajooyinka caanka ah ma awoodaan oo ma rabaan inay ku qancaan.
Obama Bubble Pops
Ma jiraan wax caddayn ah oo lagu fekerayo in Henwood mugdigiisa, rajada lahjadda ee Obama uu lahaa aqoon istaraatiijiyadeed? Qaar. Dhaqdhaqaaqa Qabsashada ee Bidix ee cajiibka ah iyo populist-ga ee Deyrta iyo horraantii jiilaalka ee 2011 si cad oo qayb ka ah niyad-jabka dhalinyarada ee Obama iyo Dimuqraadiyiinta - qarxinta xumbo "rajo" siyaasadeed oo daba socotay laba sano ka dib burburkii hantida maguurtada ah iyo xumbo maaliyadeed si loo huriyo diidmada nidaamka faa'iidada hoose. Tiro aad u tiro badan oo ka mid ah taageerayaasha da'da yar ee qabsaday, waxay u muuqataa, Wall Street Obama wuxuu ahaa cashar shay weyn oo xikmad ah shay uu taariikhyahankii weynaa ee Maraykanka Howard Zinn mar qoray: "Runtii waxa muhiimka ah maaha qofka fadhiya Aqalka cad, yaase dhex fadhiyaโdariiqyada, maqaaxiyaha, hoolalka dawladda, warshadaha, yaa mudaaharaadaya, yaa xafiisyo haysta oo bannaan-baxaayaโwaa waxyaalaha goโaamiya waxa dhaca.โ[5] ]
"Haddii uu jiri lahaa madaxweynaha Jamhuuriga," Michelle Goldberg ayaa ku qortay qormo dhowaan ku saabsan tirada sii kordheysa ee aqoonyahannada da'da yar ee sahaminta iyo qaadashada Marxism, "waxaa laga yaabaa inay arkaan rajo ah inay doortaan Dimuqraadi. Laakin Barack Obama mar hore wuu guuleystay, mana aysan caawinin.โ Sida mid ka mid ah indheergaradka, Bhaskar Sunkara (tafatiraha zine bidix ee caanka ah Jacobin), wuxuu u sheegay Goldberg, "Haddii aad wax ku guulaysato oo aad ka niyad-jabto natiijooyinka, hab aad u siyaasadaysan marka loo eego guuldarada iyo guuldarada iyo guuldarada mar kale."[6]
Jiilku wuxuu wajahayaa fashil dhaqaale oo naxdin leh iyo in ka badan oo hoos yimaada hanti-wadaaga Maraykanka
Sidaas oo ay tahay, waa in aan shaki laga gelin awoodda dhabta ah iyo tan hormoodka ah ee ka dambaysa Gumaysiga iyo kacsiga dareenka bidix ee dhallinyarada aqoonyahanka ah. Sida kor u kaca bidix-horumarsan ee jiilka Millennial si aad u ballaadhan (Sahan bishii Diseembar 2011 Pew waxay ogaatay in 49 boqolkiiba dhalinyarada Maraykanka ee da'doodu u dhaxayso 18 ilaa 29 ay u arkeen ereyga "bulshonimo" si wanaagsan marka la barbar dhigo 46 boqolkiiba kuwaas oo si xun uga falceliyay ereyga), kuwaas Horumarka ayaa salka ku haya burburkii raasamaal ee neoliberal ee loo yaqaan hoos u dhaca weyn. "Kadib xiisadda dhaqaale," Goldberg ayaa xusay, "Uma baahnid inaad noqoto Karl Marx si aad u aragto in dadka laga saarayo guryahooda'โฆ. qor maqaallo ku saabsan aragtida siyaasadda-kaliya ma ahayn daawadeyaal si aan qarsoodi ahayn. Ku qalin-jabinta culayska deynta ardayga taasoo ka dhigaysa inay dareemaan inay yihiin adeegayaal la gashado, waxay soo mareen waqti aad uga adag kuwii ka horreeyay inay shaqooyin hufan ka helaan akadeemiyadda, daabacaadda, ama xitaa sharcigii hore ee heeganka ah oo sidaas darteed loo diiday shucuurtii bourgeois emollients ee caawiyay jiilashii hore Xagjiriinta kulliyadda waxay ku heshiiyaan heerka ay taagan yihiin."[7]
Isagoo wax ka qoraya waxa uu ugu yeedhay "kor u kaca bidixda cusub," falanqeeye liberaaliga Peter Beinart wuxuu xusay in dadka Maraykanku "ku soo baxay da'da 21.st qarniga" waxay la kulmeen "khashkhash taariikhi ah oo dhab ah. Marka la barbar dhigo odayaashooda jiilka Reagan-Clinton, Millennials-ku waxay galayaan qaan-gaarnimada Ameerika halkaas oo dawladdu ay bixiso ammaan dhaqaale oo aad uga yar. Khibraddooda dhaqaale ee Maraykankan cusub ee laga xayuubiyey waxa uu ahaa mid laga naxo,โ oo ay nabar ku noqotay "hoos u dhac" ee mushaharka iyo faa'iidooyinka iyo burburka abaal-marinaha waxbarashada qaaliga ah ee weligoodba. Taas waxaa ka sii daran, โMillennials-ku waxa ay daโ noqdeen wakhti ay shabakada badbaadada dawladu aad uga badan tahay daโyarta marka loo eego daโda dhexe iyo daโdaโฆ.Daโyarta Maraykanka ayaa aad uga yar in ay u qalmaan caymiska shaqo laโaanta, Kaalmada Ku-meel-gaadhka ah ee Qoysaska Baahan, ama kuwa Cashuur-dhaafka Dakhliga Dakhliga. (Ma aha in la xuso Medicare iyo Social Security.)."[8]
Annaga oo si ballaadhan u milicsanaysa burburkii ballaadhnaa ee ku dhacay dadka Maraykanka ah ee da' kasta leh ee aan ku guulaysan hanti-wadaaga Maraykanka horaantii 21st Qarnigii, dhaqaaleyahanka horu-socodka ah ee Gar Alperovitz ayaa wax lala yaabo u arkay in dad badan oo da'yar oo Maraykan ah ay bidix u leexdeen Bush 43-Obama 44 sano. Isbeddelku waxa uu samaynayaa macno qumman marka loo eego guul-darrooyinka dhaqaale ee baaxadda leh, sinnaan la'aanta adag, dhaqaale-xumada qabow, masiibada deegaanka, iyo kali-talisnimada plutocratic ee ay soo rogeen nidaamka faa'iidada iyo awoodda sii liidata ee siyaasadda xorta ah iyo horumarka iyo hay'adaha si loo yareeyo nidaamka faa'iidada dilaaga ah ee bulshada. maamulka caanka ah, iyo deegaanka lagu noolaan karo:
"Iyada oo fashilka dhaqaale uu sii wado inuu abuuro xanuun bulsheed iyo mid dhaqaale oo baaxad leh iyo dickers Washington ah oo fadhiid ah, raadinta wax ka beddelka 'nidaamka' hadda waxay u badan tahay inay sii socoto inay koraan. Waxaa cad in la joogo waqtigii dhab ahaan loo heli lahaa aragti ka duwan mustaqbalkaโฆ.Sida caadiga ah, fikradda dhexe ee hoosta ka xariiqaysa noocyada kala duwan ee hantiwadaaggaโฆ Hanti wax soo saar lehโฆ.fikradda udub-dhexaadka ah waa mid sahlan oo toosan: Kuwa hantida leh - iyo shirkadaha maamusha - waxay leeyihiin awood aad uga badan oo ay ku xakameeyaan nidaam kasta marka loo eego kuwa aan haysan."
โQaran ay 400 oo qof ku leeyihiin hanti ka badan 180ka milyan ee ugu hooseeya wadar ahaan, ujeedadu waa inay caddahay. Waxa ku cusub waqtigeena taariikhda waa in booska tanaasulka dhaqameed - oo ah horumar, ama dimoqraadiyad bulsho ama siyaasad xor ah - ay lumisay awooddeeda si ay uga takhalusto awooddaas xitaa kuwa dhexdhexaadka ah (marka la barbardhigo, tusaale ahaan dalal badan oo Yurub ah) siyaabaha Mareykanka gobolka cayrta mar la matalo. Runtii, jihada soo ifbaxday waa in la dhimo guulihii hore ee laga gaaray meelo badan - ma aha in la sii wado ama la ballaariyo. Xitaa Lambarka Bulshada ayaa hadda miiska saaran si loo dhimoโฆ. Xubinnimada ururka ayaa si joogto ah hoos ugu dhacday qiyaastii 35 boqolkiiba shaqaalaha 1954, ilaa 11,3 boqolkiiba hadda - in ka badan 6.6 boqolkiiba qaybta gaarka ah."
"Waxaa weheliya qudhunka, oo sii ama ka reeb halkan iyo halkaas, isbeddellada waaweyn ee dakhliga iyo hantida, xorriyadda madaniga ah, burburka deegaankaโฆ., saboolnimada iyo tilmaameyaal kale oo badan oo muhiim ah ayaa 'Koonfurta u socday' dhowr iyo toban sano. "[9]
Dib u dhigista iyo Awooda Cabudhinta ee "Rajada"
Dib u milicsiga soo ifbaxa Occupy Wall Street iyo taageerada OWS ay ka heshay xubnaha ururka shaqaalaha ee gudaha iyo hareeraha magaalada New York horraantii Oktoobar 2011, Charles Jenkins, oo ah agaasimaha abaabulka ee Shaqaalaha Gaadiidka NYC ee Local 100 ayaa faallo xiiso leh ka bixiyay "Tani," Jenkins ayaa yidhi, โSaddex sano ayay soo daahday. Fortune 500, bangiyada, iyo shirkadaha baabuurta dhamaantood waa la daryeelay. Laakiin dadku weli way dhibban yihiin oo waxay u baahan yihiin shaqooyin.โ
Iyada oo dhammaan ixtiraamka saxda ah ee "lahjada" Wills-Henwood-Sunkara- (iyo, haa, Street) doodda (u xaglinta Dimuqraadiyiinta ee xafiiska sare ee la soo doortay) ee kor lagu sawiray, Obama iyo hegemony ballaaran ee siyaasadda musharraxiinta xisbiyada waaweyn u muuqataa in ay leeyihiin. dib u dhac ku yimid kacdoonka shacabka ugu yaraan intay sii hurisay. The Dhaqaaleyahanka xorta ah ee ku guulaysta abaal marinta Nobel Prize Joseph E. Stiglitz ayaa wax ka qoray waxa soo saaray kacdoonkii Occupy iyo sababta ay jabhadaasi u timi sadex sano oo dheer kadib bilawgii hoos u dhaca wayn:
โIn dhallinyaradu ka soo horjeestaan โโkali-talisyada Tunisia iyo Masar waxay ahayd wax la fahmi karo. Dhalinyaradu waxay ka daaleen gabowga, madax culculus oo ilaashanaya danahooda gaarka ah iyaga oo dhibaya bulshada inteeda kale. Ma ay helin fursad ay ku baaqaan isbeddel ku yimaad hannaan dimoqraadi ah. Laakin dimoqraadiyada doorashada ayaa sidoo kale si xun ugu fashilantay dimuqraadiyada reer galbeedka. Madaxweynaha Maraykanka Barack Obama ayaa ballan qaaday 'isbeddel aad rumaysan karto', laakiin waxa uu ka dib u gudbiyay siyaasado dhaqaale oo, dad badan oo Maraykan ah, u muuqday kuwo la mid ah .... Sanado ka dib burburkii xumbo, waxay caddaatay in nidaamka siyaasadeed uu lahaa. fashilantay. Markaas ayay ahayd markii mudaaharaadayaashu ay u leexdeen waddooyinkaโฆ..โ[10]
"Xoogga iimaanka ee hababka dimuqraadiyadda, si kastaba ha ahaatee, waa mid cajiib ah. Mid ka mid ah tafsiirkii sababta ay muddada dheer u qaadatay mudaaharaadyadii Wall Street waxay ahayd in dad badani rajaynayeen in geeddi-socodka siyaasadeed uu 'ka shaqeyn doono' si loo xakameeyo qaybta maaliyadda oo loo hagaajiyo dhibaatooyinka dhaqaale ee dalka. Waxay ahayd markii ay caddaatay in aanay samayn mudaaharaadyadu baahay. Codbixinta xooggan ee 2008 (kii ugu sarreeyay tan iyo 1968) waxay ka tarjumaysaa awoodda rajada."[12]
"Rajada" ee a qaar ka mid ah, xisbiyada doorashada iyo kuwa waaweyn, nooca musharraxiinta udub dhexaad u ah, taas oo ah - rajada gabow, in la yiraahdo ugu yaraan, marka loo eego dumintii muddada dheer ee "habsocodka dimoqraadiyadda" by plutocracy ee New Gilded Age America. (Tusaale mudaaharaad ifaya oo naรฏvetรฉ noocan oo kale ah ayaa lagu bixiyay Wisconsin bilo ka hor inta aan la qabsanin: habka aan loo eegin ee saraakiisha shaqaalaha iyo kuwa kale ee dimuqraadiga ah ay burburiyeen darajada oo ay u fayl-gareeyaan halganka Wisconsin sidii dhaqdhaqaaq bulsho, oo u rogay mudaaharaad caan ah oo la sii daayay Horraantii 2011-kii dadaal doorasho oo aan lagu guulaysan oo la saadaalinayay in dib loogu yeero guddoomiyaha Teapublican Scott Walker oo lagu beddelo xafiiska guddoomiyaha xisbiga dhexe ee Dimuqraadiga ah [Tommy Barrett].
Markii ay soo baxday Occupy oo ay kicisay boqollaal xero koobiyaal ah oo ku wareegsan qaranka, waxaa intaa dheer, maamulka Obama wuxuu u dhaqaaqay inuu soo dhex galo, cabudhiyo oo uu burburiyo dhaqdhaqaaqa neo-populist olole federaali ah oo isku dubaridan kaasoo ka caawiyay badi badhasaabyada Dimuqraadiga iyo golaha magaalada si ay u burburiyaan jabhadda.[13] ] Tani waxay si dhib leh uga hor istaagtay shirkadda Obama iyo hawlwadeenadiisu inay ku habboonaadaan odhaahda Occupy ee loogu talagalay kicinta, isticmaalka horusocod ee been-abuurka ah ee ka dhanka ah ololaha madaxweynaha Jamhuuriga ee Mitt "Mr. 1%" Romney. Heer-sare-sare ee GOP-Plutocratic (kaas oo caan ku ahaa ku dhawaad โโkala bar loafers-ku-tiirsanaanta daryeelka degmada) ayaa si fiican u ciyaaray dadaalka sannadka doorashada ee Dimuqraadiyiinta si ay isaga dhigaan sida populists oo ka difaacaya ninka caadiga ah kuwa yar ee hodanka ah.[14]
Awoodda Jamhuuriga ee Joogta ah ee aan macquul ahayn ee "Jamhuuriyadda Barafka ah"
Dabcan, ku guuleysiga Aqalka Cad (iyo 2008-dii Congress-ka) waxay si dhib yar uga xayuubiyeen awoodda Dimuqraadiyiinta ee ah inay ku eedeeyaan wax kasta oo khaldan ee dalka "Jamhuuriyadda waalan." Niyad-jab, Wall Street-neoliberalism-xabbisigii neoliberalism-ka iyo millatariga Imperial, ayaa weli nool oo wanaag ah, iyada oo aan qayb yar ka ahayn iyada oo aan qayb yar ka ahayn xakamaynta Jamhuuriga ee Maxkamadda Sare ee Maraykanka, Aqalka Wakiilada, iyo inta badan dawladaha gobollada qaranka - tani waxay la socotaa 15-tii sano ee la soo dhaafay warbaahinta bulshada ee soo jiidashada dareenka "dhaqdhaqaaqa aasaasiga ah" ee la yiraahdo "Xisbiga Shaaha" (laf ahaantiisa waa warbaahin abuur ilaa xad aan yareyn[16]) Doorashadii madaxtinimo ee 2012 waxay si dabiici ah u siisay fursad kale oo weyn oo afar sano ah Dimuqraadiyiinta si ay dib ugu soo celiyaan beentooda. baytariyada xisbiga populist oo leh digniino ba'an oo ku saabsan guud ahaan la wareegida Teapublican ee Washington.
Dabcan, "Xisbiga waalan" (Xilli-xaakimka Liberal-ka Paul Krugman ee GOP) ayaa dhab ahaantii awood la yaab leh ku haya siyaasadda Mareykanka, iyada oo diidmo la yaab leh oo ka soo horjeeda jamhuuriyadda sumcadda hooseysa (ABC-da dhow.Washington Post Sahan ayaa lagu ogaaday in 63 boqolkiiba dadka Maraykanku ay qabaan aragti aan fiicnayn oo ku saabsan xisbiga Jamhuuriga[17]). Awoodda joogtada ah ee Jamhuuriga ee ku wajahan iyo ka-hortagga ra'yiga dadweynaha waxay salka ku haysaa ilaa xad aan yarayn oo ku jirta Dastuurka Mareykanka iyo wax-is-daba-marinta. Markii ay soo dhiseen xukuumad leh awoodo si adag ugu qaybsan yihiin laamaha fulinta, sharci dejinta iyo garsoorka, 18kii.th Aasaasayaashii Mareykanka ee qarniga waligood ma filayn samaynta xisbiyo siyaasadeed oo ku tartamaya jamhuuriyadda (ma aha dimoqraadiyad, riyada ugu dambaysa ee aasaasayaasha) ay abuureen. Waxa kale oo ay ku guul daraysteen in ay saadaaliyaan fanka mugdiga ah ee xisbiyada iyo cilmiga gerrymander, oo ay saraakiisha la soo doortay ku doortaan codbixiyayaashooda iyada oo loo marayo hal-abuurnimada khadadka degmada, beddelka qabow ee fikradda dimoqraadiyadda cabudhinta. Markaa ma qiyaasi kari waayeen muuqaalka hadda ee Washington โgridlock,โ halkaas oo kan saxda ah (iyo ugu yar qaranka caanka ah) ee baalasha Sinclair laga yaabo inay xukumaan labadaba maxkamadda sare ee uu madaxweynuhu magacaabay ee u adeegta nolosha (mahadna waxaa leh Jamhuurigu guulihii doorashadii qaranka ee 18) , 1980, 1988, iyo 1992 - kan dambe oo aan wax yar ka helin maxkamadda sare lafteeda) iyo Golaha "Shacbiga la doortay" (mahadsanid qayb yar oo ka mid ah gerrymandering xisbiga iyo cabudhinta codbixiyayaasha) halka aan-si bidixda (iyo in ka badan heer qaran) caanka ah) ee Sinclair's waxay haysaa laan kale oo Congress-ka ah (Senate, oo lagu soo doorto ku salaysan gobolka oo dhan oo aan u nuglayn gerrymander) iyo madaxtooyada. Marka loo eego nidaamka baarlamaaniga iyo xisbiyada badan oo si dhab ah dimuqraadi ah uguna hufan (mid ka mid ah sida ugu habboon ee ay ku jiraan saami qaybsiga xisbiyada kala duwan ee laanta sharci-dejinta), xisbiga ugu shacbiyada badan qaranka waxa uu si xilliyo ah heli doona amar ah inuu soo dhiso dawlad wadaag ah oo qaran oo ka kooban laamaha fulinta iyo sharci dejinta danta laga leeyahay in la sameeyo siyaasad isku xidhan oo la jaanqaadi karta rabitaanka dadweynaha aqlabiyadda madax-bannaan ee dhabta ah. Ma jirto caqli-gal dimuqraadi ah oo noocaas ah oo ku wajahan โJamhuuriyadda la qaboojiyeyโ (Erayga Daniel Lazarre[2000]) ee u gudbiya tusaalaha ifaya ee maamulka caanka ah ee Maraykanka maanta.
Qofna ma jecla xannibaadda ka dhalata in ka badan kuwa shirkadaha iyo dhaqaalaha, jidka. Curyaaminta dastuurku waxay ka dhigeysaa "boqolkiiba 1" xor u ah inay raacdo xoogga iyo xoogga kor u kaca ee weligeed sii kordhaya iyada oo aan cabsi laga qabin in dawladda qaranka iyo siyaasaddu ay gaari karaan isku xirnaanta iyo midnimada si ay si wax ku ool ah u gudbiyaan dareenka aqlabiyadda iyagoo ka wakiil ah dimoqraadiyadda, caddaaladda, iyo sii jirista deegaanka.
"Wacitaanka Dollarka Ololaha Ganacsiga ee isku midka ah"
Sidaas oo ay tahay, Dimuqraadiyiintu maaha kuwo aan lahayn eedaymo muhiim ah awoodda joogtada ah ee GOP-ga la neceb yahay. Jamhuuriyiinta xagjirka ah waxay si hodan ah u quudiyaan dollarka Dimuqraadiyiinta ee niyad jabka ah, deminta muxaafidnimada, oo ku qotoma xaqiiqda adag ee ah in xisbiga dambe uusan ka yara muuqan kii hore ee Ganacsiga Weyn. Sida Ralph Nader uu dhawaan ku xusay maqaal sita ciwaanka saxda ah "Dimuqraadiyiintu kama difaaci karaan degmada GOP-ga dib u noqoshada":
Codbixintuโฆ waxay tusinaysaa, si lagu qanci karo, in dadku ku eedeeyaan Jamhuuriga madax adag in ka badan Dimuqraadiyiinta saamaynta xun ee [Oktoobar 2013 xidhitaanka dawladda dhexe iyo xiisadda daynta] ee shaqaalaha, caafimaadka dadweynaha, badbaadada, kharashaadka macaamiisha, jardiinooyinka madadaalada iyo Qandaraasyada shirkadaha dawladdaโฆ.[Laakiin] waxa jirta sheeko kale oo ku saabsan sida dhammaan xannibaaddani u timid, oo ay hor taagan tahay su'aasha: 'Maxay Dimuqraadiyiintu u burburin waayeen xisbiga Jamhuuriga ee ugu naxariista daran, ugu jaahilnimada, ganacsiga-weyn-ganacsiyeedka ee taariikhdeeda. Intii lagu jiray doorashooyinkii Congress-ka ee 2010 iyo 2012?' โ
Jawaabta ugu weyni waxay tahay "Dimuqraadiyiintu waxay ku garaacayaan doollar ganacsi oo isku mid ah, taas oo ka baxsan shandadaha quid pro quo money, ka leexiya xisbiga in uu xoogga saaro baahida dadka doortay." Sidaa darteed, ma jirin dhaqdhaqaaq dhab ah oo xisbiga Dimuqraadiga ah midkoodna iyada oo ka wakiil ah tillaabooyinka ay taageerayaan oo keliya ma aha xisbiga "moribund" (xilliga Nader) Xisbiga Horusocod ee Caucus laakiin sidoo kale fasalka shaqeeya ee aqlabiyadda Mareykanka: "kor u qaadista mushaharka ugu yar ee federaalka, xakamaynta shirkadda dambiyada, yaraynta deeqaha samafalka shirkadaha, dib u xaqiijinta Medicare buuxa ee dhammaan, hoos u dhigista siyaasadda dibadda ee militariga iyo siyaasadaha kaleโฆโฆ.. Markaa," Nader wuxuu xusay, "marka wakhtiga doorashadu yimaado, codbixiyayaashu ma yaqaaniin waxa Dimuqraadiyiintu u taagan yihiin oo aan ahayn inay badbaadiyaan Lambarka Bulshada iyo Medicare ee Jamhuuriga."[20]
Wixii u qalma (wax yar oo ka mid ah dhaqanka garaadka "bidix" ee qaranka oo ay maamusho MSDNC/[MSNBC, boggaga tifaftirka ee New York TimesKatrina vanden Heuvel. Barack Obama iyo Mustaqbalka Siyaasadda Mareykanka: Xisbiga Dimuqraadiga ah iyo madaxweynaha oo ku guuldareysta inuu si macno leh ugu dagaallamo himilooyinka horumarka leh iyo inuu la wareego mid ka mid ah madaxda shirkadaha ama xisbiga Jamhuuriga ee mar walba dib u soo noqda, taasoo ka dhigeysa in badan oo ka mid ah saldhigga horumarka ee la yaaban sababta ay tahay inay u taageeraan Dimuqraadiyiinta una fududeeyaan Fox Warka saxda ah (kadib oo si weyn ula dulmaro "Xisbiga Shaaha") si loo taabto oo loo majaro habaabiyo cadhada caanka ah jihada adag ee falcelinta. Waxqabadka caajiska ah ee Dimuqraadiyiinta ee ku salaysan rabitaanka Wall Street iyo xitaa lahaanshaha labada aqal ee Congress-ka iyo sidoo kale madaxweynanimada 2009 iyo 2010 ma ahayn arrin yar oo ka dambeysay guushii taariikhiga ahayd ee Jamhuuriga ee muddada-dhexe ee Congress-ka iyo guddoomiyaha gobolka. iyo doorashadii sharci-dejinta ee 2010 [21] - guushii garabka midig ee muhiimka u ahayd gerrymandering dambe ee Jamhuuriga (dib u kala qaybinta doorashada waxay ka dhacdaa heerka gobolka) iyo (cunsurinimo aad u sareysa iyo nativist) guulaha xakamaynta codbixiyayaasha.
Xumaanta Waxtarka Badan?
Sidee bay uga go'an tahay maamulka Dimuqraadiyiinta xitaa inay "badbaadiyaan" Badbaadada Bulshada iyo Medicare? Aqalka Cad ee "liberal" ee Obama ayaa weli go'aansan inuu ka xaajoodo dhimista macaashka Lambarka Bulshada, Medicare iyo waxa loogu yeero barnaamijyada xaq u yeelashada. Naqshadeynta miisaaniyada Obama, ee la sii daayay bishii Abriil ee la soo dhaafay, ayaa soo jeedinaysa in la dhimo kobaca Kharashaadka Lambarka Bulshada iyada oo la horumarinayo "cabbir cusub oo sicir-bararka" - "Silsilad CPI," oo ah hab qurux badan oo lagu dhimo hagaajinta qiimaha-nololeed ee waayeelka. Madaxweynaha ayaa sidoo kale "ku baaqay in $370 bilyan laga xayuubiyo Medicare isaga oo kor u qaadaya qaar ka mid ah khidmadaha iyo khidmadaha iyo sidoo kale dhimista bixiyeyaasha," Wall Street Journal warbixino.[22] Ku darista dhimista la soo jeediyay ee $187 bilyan ee Medicaid, cilmi-nafsiga bidix iyo faallooyinka James Petras ayaa ku qiyaasay in "Grand Bargain" uu u soo bandhigay Obama midigta dhexe ee mucaaradkiisii โโโโhore ee GOP xagaagii 2011 "waxay keeni doontaa shaqaalaha Maraykanka lumin in ka badan $1.19 trillion dollar 10ka sano ee soo socda, taasoo horseedaysa hoos u dhac weyn oo ku yimid rajada nolosha, helitaanka daryeel caafimaad, heerarka nolosha iyo tayada nolosha."[23]
Dhammaan kuwaas oo kor u qaadaya su'aasha: Dimuqraadiyiintu ma dhab ahaantii xitaa "xun yar" mar dambe? Muujinta go'aan xun oo lagu cabudhinayo diidmada gudaha iyo horumarinta ajandayaasha shirkadaha, neoliberal, iyo Imperial siyaabaha u muuqda kuwo aad u casrisan oo ka caqli badan kuwa Jamhuuriga, Dimuqraadiyiinta ayaa si cajiib ah waxtar u leh marka ay timaado dhiirigelinta liberaaliga iyo horumarka si ay u helaan ka hor inta aan dhammaanayn. dembiyada imbaradooriyadda Mareykanka iyo sinnaan la'aanta. Bal qiyaas intee in le'eg oo qaylada rasmiga ah ee Maraykanka "bidix" (liberal iyo "dimuqraadiyiinta horusocod ah") ay ka dhiidhin lahaayeen muujinta ilaalada Edward Snowden haddii ay hoos yimaadaan Madaxweyne McCain ama Madaxweyne Romney (Qodob la mid ah ayaa laga samayn karaa dagaalka aan duuliyaha lahayn iyo kuwa kale oo badan. Dhibco). Siyaabahan iyo kuwa kaleba (oo ay ku jiraan hufnaanta cunsuriyadda bulshada ee sida bahalnimada leh ee joogtada ah iyo xididdada qotodheer ee qaranka), Obama, sidii Bill Clinton isaga ka hor, waxa uu muran la'aan ahaa Xumaan waxtar badan leh Aqalka Cad marka loo eego kuwa ka soo horjeeda Jamhuuriga.
Isku-dheellitirka Ciidamada
Haddii ay u fiicnaan lahayd "Waalan" Xisbiga Shaaha ee Caucus[24] inay ka adkaadaan Dimuqraadiyiinta Ganacsiga Weyn iyo Jamhuuriyiinta ee fiasco-dayntii ugu dambeysay? Petras wuxuu ku dooday si kicin ah:
"Mabda'a iyo ka-faa'iideystayaasha degdega ah ee kordhinta saqafka deynta ayaa ah kuwa hodanka ah, dammaanadaha iyo ka-faa'iideystayaasha dhexdhexaadka ah iyo kuwa muddada-dheer waa militariga-sirdoonka-impire- dhisayaasha kuwaas oo sii wadi kara inay sugaan in ka badan $ 700 bilyan qoondaynta miisaaniyad sanadeedka ... .. Marka la eego shuruudaha adag, kuwaas oo la socda Grand Bargain si kor loogu qaado saqafka deynta, way fiicnaan lahayd haddii aan heshiis la gaarin. Dadka caanka ah ee dhaqaaluhu waxay ku xisaabtamayaan gorgortanka Grand si ay uga faa'iidaystaan โโururintooda deynta inta lagu jiro nolosha iyo daryeelka boqolaal milyan oo Maraykan ah. Way fiicnaan lahayd in tiirarka la ruxo oo la dumiyo Macbadkan Mammon (Halka Samsoon) oo qiimo lagu bixiyo.
"Naxdinka iyo cabsida" ay sababeen si aan toos ahayn waxay ruxaysaa aasaaska xatooyada maaliyadeed ee Khasnadda Maraykanka iyo cashuur-bixiyeyaasha; Diidmada ayaa si weyn u wiiqi doonta aasaaska dhaqaale ee dagaalladii Imbaraadooriyadda, basaasnimada, jirdilka iyo kooxaha dilka. Mashruucii dhismaha boqortooyada oo dhan wuu dumin doonaa.โ
"Runtii, muddada gaaban, shaqaalaha iyo dabaqadda dhexe waxay sidoo kale la kulmi doonaan cillad la'aan. Laakiin sumcad-xumada xisbiyada siyaasadda ee talada haya, kuwa siyaasadda iyo Wall Street, waxay u horseedi kartaa is-waafajin siyaasadeed oo cusub, kaas oo maalgelin doona barnaamijyada bulshada, odhaahda David Stockman, "qoynta taajiriinta" - kor u qaadista canshuurta shirkadaha 50%, soo rogida cashuurta macaamilka maaliyadeed ee 5%, oo meesha ka saaraysa cashuurta badbaadada bulshada iyo ururinta cashuuraha faa'iidada muwaadiniinta Maraykanka ee dibada. Balaayiin dheeri ah ayaa lagu badbaadin doonaa iyadoo la soo afjarayo dagaalladii boqortooyadii, xiritaanka saldhigyada iyo baabi'inta qandaraasyada militariga. Dib u habeynta canshuurta, burburinta boqortooyada iyo kordhinta maalgashiga gudaha ee waxqabadka wax soo saarka waxay dhalin doontaa kobaca gudaha taasoo horseedaysa miisaaniyad dheeri ah, fidinta MEDICARE dhammaan dadka Mareykanka ah, hoos u dhigista da'da hawlgabka ilaa 62 iyo bixinta mushahar nololeed dhammaan shaqaalaha! "[24A]
Waa inaan shaki laga gelin Petras oo ka faa'iideysanaya Adeer Sam deynta weyn ee qaranka iyo Obama's "baayac-mushtar weyn" (runtii khiyaano weyn): Kali-talisyada aan la dooran ee Ameerika iyo kuwa xiriirka la leh ee lacagta, Boqortooyada, iyo eco-cide. Weli, waxaan jeclaan lahaa inaan la wadaago caqiidada Petras ee ku guul daraystay inay soo saarto dib-u-habayn siyaasadeed oo horumarsan/bidix ah. Marka la eego isku dheelitirka ciidamada dabaqa ah ee ay ku wargeliyeen xaaladda naxariista leh ee ururka ee bidixda (sababtoo ah qayb yar oo ka mid ah horumarka 'ku-xidhanaanshaha dheer ee Xisbiga Dimuqraadiga), xiisadda soo saari doonta si caadi ah ayaa u muuqata inay u badan tahay inay sii xoojiso qulqulka dhinaca nooc ka mid ah fashiistaha dawladda booliiska ee Maraykanka maanta.
Si cad, si kastaba ha ahaatee, waxaan si daacad ah u daciifiyay, aniga oo gaabinaya dooda "lahjada" dadka kale (gobolka lagu tartamayo) si ay ugu codeeyaan Dimuqraadiga (Weligay ma samayn karo naftayda) markii ugu dambeysay. Waxaa jira kernel ama laba run ah oo ku jira tesis Henwood, kuwaas oo daqiiqadihii dhalaalayay ee Sebtembar iyo Oktoobar 2011 ee Zucotti Park. Laakiin xaqiiqada ballaadhan ee halkan lagu sawiray waxay soo jeedinaysaa in waxa ugu fiican ee bidixda ahi ay tahay inuu jihaysto xataa si kasii cad cad ilaa maanta xisbiyada waaweyn iyo ololahooda iyo musharaxiintooda iyo in diiradda la saaro dhismaha xoogga dhaqdhaqaaqa bulshada ee nooca isbeddelka nidaamka dhabta ah - "dib u dhiska xagjirka ah ee bulshada lafteeda" in Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. uu aqoonsaday "arrinta dhabta ah ee la wajihi doono"[25] oo ka baxsan "sare". "arrimaha 1968 - in aan dimuqraadi ama Jamhuurigu waligood aqbali doonin. Waxaan u dhaafayaa kuwa kale weligii su'aasha ah sida ugu wanaagsan ee looga jawaabi karo doorashada cidhiidhiga ah ee doorashada ee la soo bandhigay ee ka baxsan doorashada afar sano ee la qorsheeyay iyo 1 boqolkiiba. Midkoodna macnaheedu ma aha habaar horusocod ah marka ay maqan yihiin dhaqdhaqaaqyo bulsho oo dhab ah oo awood leh oo awood u leh inay ku guuleystaan โโisbeddel bulsho oo dhab ah oo ka hooseeya.
Paul Street ([emailka waa la ilaaliyay]) waa qoraaga buugaag badan oo ay ka mid yihiin Boqortooyada iyo Sinnaan la'aanta: Ameerika iyo Adduunka Ilaa 9/112004) Dulmiga jinsiyadeed ee ka jira Magaalo-madaxda Caalamka (2007), iyo Waxay xukumaan: 1 v. Dimuqraadiyadda (Paradigm, 2014).
1. Markii ugu horraysay iyo markii ugu dambaysay ee aan codeeyo gobol lagu tartamayo - taas oo ay jirtay shaki macquul ah oo hore ka hor, labada musharrax ee madaxweyne ee xisbiyada waaweyn midkood ayaa guulaysan doona.
2. Howard Zinn, "Doorasho waalan," Horumarka (Maarso 2008).
3. Roger Hodge, Mendacity of Hope: Barack Obama iyo Khiyaanada Xorriyadda Maraykanka (New York: Harper, 2010), 8
4. Doug Henwood, "Ma jeclaan lahayd inaad taas ku beddesho?" Kormeeraha Ganacsiga Bidix, No. 117 (Maarso 2008), laga soo xigtay si oggol (oo lagu faahfaahiyay) Paul Street, Barack Obama iyo Mustaqbalka Siyaasadda Maraykanka (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2008), 204 -5. Erayga "dismal Dems" waxaa iska leh Henwood.
5. Paul Street, "Dorothy iyo Occupiers vs. Wizard of Ozbama iyo Awooda ka danbeysa daaha," ZNet (Noofambar 5, 2011), https://znetwork.org/dorothy-and-the-occupiers-vs-the-wizard-of-ozbama-and-the-power-behind-the-curtain-by-paul-street.html; "Dhaxalka Howard Zinn," Shaqaale hantiwadaag ah, November 2, 2010, athttp://socialistworker.org/blog/critical-reading/2010/11/02/legacy-howard-zinn.
6. Michelle Goldberg, "Shilku wuxuu ku dhiirigeliyaa indheergaradka da'da yar inay dib u booqdaan Marxism," Magazine Tablet (Oktoobar 14, 2013), http://www.tabletmag.com/jewish-news-and-politics/148162/young-intellectuals-find-marx?all=1
7. Goldberg, "Shil degdeg ah."
8 Peter Beinart, "Kacitaanka Bidix Cusub," Beast Daily (Sebtembar 12, 2013), http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2013/09/12/the-rise-of-the-new-new-left.html
9. Gar Alperovitz, "Su'aasha Socialism waxay ku saabsan tahay inay ka furto Maraykankan," Run ahaantii, April 12, 2013. Waxa ay caawisaa qiimaynta nicmada "Socialism's" in aan hadda in ka badan labaatan sano ka soo gudubnay burburkii Midowga Soofiyeeti iyo nidaamyadii satalaytka iyo dhamaadkii dagaalkii qaboobaa. Tani waxay aad ugu adkeyneysaa madaxda hanti-wadaaga Mareykanka iyo taageerayaasheeda inay si toos ah u aqoonsadaan mashruuca dimoqraadiyadda iyo sinnaanta ee hantiwadaagga - kantaroolka shaqaalaha iyo "dadka ka sarreeya faa'iidada" - oo leh madax-bannaani-dowladeed iyo/ama madax-bannaani-ururnimo riyo ah Ruushka Stalinist, Midowga Soofiyeedka, iyo waxa loogu yeero Jamhuuriyadda Dadka ee Shiinaha.
10. Yuusuf E. Stiglitz, Qiimaha Sinnaan La'aanta (New York: WW Norton, 2012), x, xix.
11. Stglitz, Qiimaha Sinnaan La'aanta, 345, n.4.
12. Paul Street, "Warbixinta Waqooyiga Ameerika;" Paul Street, "Duruusta Wisconsin," ZNet (June 8, 2011),https://znetwork.org/wisconsin-lessons-by-paul-street.html
13. Iskaashiga Sanduuqa Caddaaladda Madaniga ah. Dukumentiyada FBI-da oo kashifay Kormeerka sirta ah ee dalka oo dhan, (December 22, 2012), www.jusiceoneline.org/commentary/fbi-files-ows.html?; Naomi Wolf, "Lagu kashifay: sida FBI-du isugu dubaridisay qallafsanaanta qabsashada," The Guardian-ka (Diseembar 29, 2012),
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/dec/29/fbi-coordinated-crackdown-occupy; "FBI vs. Occupy: Dukumiintiyada sirta ah ayaa daaha ka qaaday 'La-dagaalanka Argagaxisada' La socodka OWS ee Maalmaheedii ugu Horreeyay," Democracy Now! (taariikhda hawada Diisambar 27, 2012) at www.democracynow.org/2012/12/27/the_fbi_vs_occupy_secret_docs
David Lindorff, "Xeeladaha Gobolka ee Booliska ayaa tilmaamaya Barnaamij Qaran oo la isku duway si loo isku dayo oo aan loo mashquulin Wall Street iyo Magaalooyinka kale," Tani ma dhici karto (Noofambar 15, 2011) ee http://thiscantbehappening.net/node/900; Andy Kroll, "Badhasaabada iyo Booliisku waxay ka ganacsadaan Xeeladaha lagula tacaalayo Mudaaharaadayaasha Qabsada," Mother Jones (Noofambar 16, 2011), ka akhri http://motherjones.com/mojo/2011/11/occupy-protest-coordinate-crackdown-wall-street; Nigel Duara, "Badhasaabada, Taliyayaasha Bilayska waxay ka hadlaan xeeladda mudaaharaadyada," Associated Press (Noofambar 15, 2011), ka akhri http://www.boston.com/news/nation/articles/2011/11/15/mayors_police_chiefs_talk_strategy_on_protests/;
14. Paul Street, "1% iyo 47%," ZNet (Sebtembar 23, 2012), https://znetwork.org/the-1-and-the-47-by-paul-street.html; Paul Street, "Plutocrats waxay ilaashadaan shaadhka," Z Magazine (Janaayo 2013), https://znetwork.org/the-plutocrats-keep-their-shirts-by-paul-street.htm
15. Halbeegga liberaaliga weyn Paul Krugman ayaa si gaar ah ugu farxay inuu GOP ugu yeero "waalan." Eeg Paul Krugman, "Xisbiga Waalan," New York Times, Sebtembar 19, 2013; "Jabhada Aan Lahayn" New York Times, Sebtember 30, 2013.
16. Paul Street iyo Anthony DiMaggio, Burburinta Xisbiga Shaaha: Warbaahinta Dadweynaha iyo Ololaha Dib-u-samaynta Siyaasadda Maraykanka (Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2011); Anthony DiMaggio, Kor u kaca Xisbiga Shaaha: Rabshadaha Siyaasadeed iyo Warbaahinta Shirkadaha ee Da'dii Obama (New York: Review Monthly, 2011).
17. โOct. Codbixinta ABC-da ka dib 2013,โ Washington Post, Oktoobar 25, 2013, http://www.washingtonpost.com/page/2010-2019/WashingtonPost/2013/10/22/National-Politics/Polling/release_272.xml
18. Steven Hill, Hagaajinta Doorashooyinka: Fashilka Guuleystaha Mareykanka Qaado Siyaasada oo dhan (New York: Routledge, 2002), xii, 82, 89, 99, 105, 116, 228, 236, 292, 319, 322, 325.
19. Daniel Lazarre. Jamhuuriyad Qabsoon Sida Dastuurku U Curyaamiyo Dimuqraadiyada (Buugaagta Hababka, 1997).
20. Ralph Nader, "Dimuqraadiyiintu dalka kama difaaci karaan GOP-ga dib-u-noqoshada," Riyooyin guud (Oktoobar 18, 2013), http://www.commondreams.org/view/2013/10/18-8.
21. Eeg Waddada, Barack Obama iyo Mustaqbalka, 47-49, 58, 200-2. Faahfaahinta iyo indha-indhaynta xiga, eeg Paul Street iyo Anthony DiMaggio, Burburinta Xisbiga Shaaha: Warbaahinta Dadweynaha iyo Ololaha Dib-u-samaynta Siyaasadda Maraykanka (Paradigm, 2011), viii-x. 144-158.
22. Peter Nicholas iyo Colleen McCain Nelson, "Khilaafka Miisaaniyadda ee Bidix," Wall Street Journal, Oktoobar 21, 2013, A1, A4.
23. James Petras, "Dhismaha Boqortooyada, Saqafka Deynta, Deficit Miisaaniyadda, iyo Samson Solution," Codka Feejignaanta (Oktoobar 17, 2013), http://dissidentvoice.org/2013/10/empire-building-the-debt-ceiling-the-budget-deficit-and-the-samson-solution/
24. Si aad u xiiso leh, hal mar gobol ahaan iyo taariikh ahaan xog ogaal u ah fahamka falcelinta macquulka ah ee ka dambeeya "Xisbiga Shaaha" waalli lagu eedeeyay, eeg Michael Lind, "Xagjirnimada Xisbiga Shaaha ayaa si khaldan loo fahmay: La kulan 'Xuquuqda Cusub' show, Oktoobar 6, 2013, http://www.salon.com/2013/10/06/tea_party_radicalism_is_misunderstood_meet_the_newest_right/
24A. Petras. "Boqortooyada-Dhismaha."
25. Fiiri Martin Luther King Jr., "A Testament of Hope" (1968), oo lagu soo saaray Martin Luther King, Jr., Axdiga Rajada: Qoraallada iyo Khudbadaha Muhiimka ah ee Martin Luther King, Jr., ed. Waxaa qoray James M. Washington (San Francisco, CA: Harper Collins, 1991), 315.
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